ous consumption. Metal as an embodiment of an individualâ™s or a societyâ™s
wealth may thus be seen as a characteristic feature of the western Bantu
region, and one which may be traced back into the archaeological record of
the ď¬rst millennium ad (D. W. Phillipson 1985a; cf. Volavka 1998). As in the
The second millennium ad in sub-Saharan Africa 297
interlacustrine region, both the accumulation of wealth and the centralisa-
tion of political authority may be seen as local processes which, contrary
to previous opinion, began well before long-distance trading contacts were
developed. In this western part of the sub-continent overseas contacts did
not develop on any scale before the arrival of the Portuguese in Angola late
in the ď¬fteenth century. More precise information about these processes
must await further archaeological research in Angola and D. R. Congo.
To the south of the Zambezi, in what is now Zimbabwe, eastern Botswana,
northern South Africa and KwaZulu-Natal, a signiď¬cantly greater amount of
research into the archaeology of the present millennium has taken place
than has been the case further to the north. These and contiguous areas
are discussed here, followed by a separate section on the southwesternmost
part of the African continent.
Schroda in the Limpopo Valley, noted above in chapter 7 (p. 257), is one
of few sites which appear truly intermediate between the Chifumbaze com-
plex and its successors. Its material culture, including the pottery, shows
several features that later became prominent in the Leopardâ™s Kopje indus-
try of Zimbabwe. The suggestion has accordingly been made (Huffman 1978,
1984b) that this industry may have originated south of the Limpopo.
In southeastern Zimbabwe, the Leopardâ™s Kopje industry was established
in about ad 1000. At the site of Nthabazingwe (Leopardâ™s Kopje) itself,
near Bulawayo, the people lived in circular pole-and-clay houses some 3
metres in diameter. There were rare domestic tools of iron, and copper
was mainly used for personal adornment. Some contact with the coastal
trade is indicated by the presence of occasional glass beads. Large num-
bers of cattle were herded, with some ovicaprids. Clay ď¬gurines of cattle
show that these animals were of a humped, long-horned variety. Cultivated
crops included sorghum, ď¬nger millet, ground beans and cowpeas (Huffman
1974). In a second phase of the Leopardâ™s Kopje industry, dated to the thir-
teenth/fourteenth century, cotton cloth began to be made and there is evi-
dence for the construction of dry-stone walling. The Leopardâ™s Kopje people
were by this time engaged in the mining and working of gold, for pieces of
their characteristic pottery have been recovered from several ancient work-
ings, and a crucible from a site of this period at Taba Zikamambo was found
to contain traces of gold (K. R. Robinson 1966b; see also Swan 1994; D. Miller
et al. 2000).
In the Limpopo Valley, excavation has illustrated a parallel process of
development from those at Schroda and the early sites of the Toutswe tradi-
tion, which were discussed in chapter 7. At Bambandyanalo, close to the
298 afric an archaeolog y
Fig. 151: Gold
Shashi--Limpopo conď¬‚uence, a substantial village was established shortly
after ad 1000. Its cattle-herding inhabitants worked extensively in ivory,
which was evidently exchanged for large quantities of imported glass beads,
presumably obtained through the trading settlements which are attested
from this time on the coast of southern Mozambique (Eloff and Meyer 1981;
Sinclair 1982; Meyer 1998). Around ad 1220, occupation was transferred from
the valley-bottom Bambandyanalo site to the adjacent steep-sided hill of
Mapungubwe. This abrupt shift appears to have accompanied signiď¬cant
economic and socio-political developments (Huffman 1982, 1986). Cattle-
herding remained the mainstay of the subsistence economy (Voigt 1983), but
overall prosperity increased markedly. Iron tools were more numerous and,
as in the Bulawayo region, cotton cloth was produced (Davison and Harries
1980). Stone walling was used to demarcate parts of the hill-top which were
probably associated with a wealthy Ă©lite group holding some form of politi-
cal authority. Thirteenth-century burials on the summit of Mapungubwe Hill
provide clear indications of this, being richly adorned with glass beads and
with copper and gold ornaments. Gold foil was laid over carved wooden ani-
mal ď¬gures, bowls and staffs (FouchĂ© 1937; D. Miller et al. 2000; Fig. 151); the
beginning of gold-working seems to have been accompanied by a reduction
in the use of ivory. There can be little doubt that wealth, and presumably
inď¬‚uence and political power, were becoming concentrated in the hands of a
The occupation of Mapungubwe declined and ceased by the end of the
thirteenth century, when this part of the Limpopo Valley appears to have
been largely depopulated. It is a marginal area for farming; and over-grazing,
perhaps with a minor shift in rainfall patterns (Tyson and Lindesay 1992;
Huffman 1996a), may have destroyed its viability. To continue the story it
The second millennium ad in sub-Saharan Africa 299
Remains of a
the stone walls at
is necessary to move north to the central regions of Zimbabwe where, near
the modern town of Masvingo, is situated the remarkable archaeological
site which has become known as the Great Zimbabwe or simply as Great
Zimbabwe (Garlake 1973a; Huffman and Vogel 1991). (The word zimbabwe,
in the language of the Shona, means either â˜stone housesâ™ or â˜venerated
housesâ™.) The site is renowned as the place where the indigenous south-
ern African tradition of dry-stone architecture reached its most impressive
achievement. After an initial Chifumbaze-complex occupation, during which
there is no evidence for building in stone, the main sequence at Great Zim-
babwe started with the Gumanye phase in about the late tenth century. At
that time the economy of the siteâ™s inhabitants was probably similar to that
described above from the Bulawayo region, but signiď¬cantly simpler than
that which prevailed at the same time at Bambandyanalo and Mapungubwe.
By about 1250--80, simple stone walling was erected at Great Zimbabwe
to form enclosures and platforms which supported pole-and-mud houses
(Fig. 152): gold came into use at this period. It seems signiď¬cant that these
developments had taken place somewhat earlier at Mapungubwe, and that
their appearance at Great Zimbabwe occurred at the time when the former
site was abandoned. It is thus plausible to suggest that the rise to promi-
nence of Great Zimbabwe was in some way connected with a northward
movement by the rulers of Mapungubwe and the establishment of their
hegemony over a new or enlarged area (Huffman 1982). The famous carved
stone ď¬gures of birds have been found at Great Zimbabwe but at no other
site; their signiď¬cance remains uncertain (Matenga 1998).
300 afric an archaeolog y
Fig. 153: Inside
the conical tower,
All the ď¬nest and most elaborate stone buildings at Great Zimbabwe are
now known to have been erected during a relatively brief period between
the late thirteenth and mid-ď¬fteenth centuries. At this time the place was
a large town, covering an area of some 78 hectares and with a population
plausibly estimated at some 18,000 people (Huffman 1986). While most of the
site was covered with pole-and-mud houses with thatched roofs, the stone
buildings fall into two groups. Those on a steep-sided rocky hill consist of
lengths of well-coursed walling linking the natural boulders of the hill-top to
form a series of easily defended enclosures. In the adjacent valley is a series
of larger, free-standing walled enclosures in some of which stood circular
pole-and-mud houses joined together by short lengths of similar walling
(Collett et al. 1992). One enclosure stands out through its size and complexity:
its perimeter wall reaches a height of over 10 metres, as does a solid stone
tower which stands within (Fig. 153). Despite its massive scale and excellence
of execution, the stone architecture at Great Zimbabwe is basically simple.
There were no domes or arches; doorways were narrow and roofed with
stone lintels over which the upper courses of stonework were laid without
interruption. Internal structures were of puddled mud, sun-baked to great
hardness and durability, in which material also the builders were masters
of their techniques (Chipunza 1993).
There can be little reasonable doubt that the inhabitants of Great
Zimbabwe, from at least the Gumanye phase onwards, were directly ances-
tral to the modern Shona (Beach 1980, 1994). This connexion has stimulated
attempts to determine the uses to which the various parts of the Great
The second millennium ad in sub-Saharan Africa 301
Zimbabwe site, particularly the stone constructions, were put. The resultant
claims (Huffman 1984a, 1996b) remain controversial, being largely based on
unsubstantiated oral traditions and poorly recorded information from more
recent times (cf. Beach et al. 1998). Such research has clear potential but it
would not at present be wise to place reliance on suggestions that the main
stone-walled enclosure was a place for female initiation, or that a certain
area was inhabited by the royal wives. We should restrict our credence to the
view that the site was the capital of rulers who controlled major territories
and resources. Great Zimbabwe must have been a centre of political author-
ity, and the presence of large numbers of imported items indicates that
this authority was linked with the control of trade. Imported objects -- glass
beads, Persian and Chinese pottery, Near Eastern glass, even a coin minted
in the name of the ruler of Kilwa -- are far more numerous here than on
contemporary sites elsewhere in Zimbabwe. Gold and copper objects from
other parts of the interior have also been found at Great Zimbabwe (Herbert
1996), so we may conclude that the products of outlying regions were col-
lected there either through patronage, or as gifts or tribute; from here trade
for coastal imports was presumably organised. Great Zimbabweâ™s period of
greatest prosperity coincided not only with its architectural ď¬‚orescence, but
also with the peak in the export of gold via the Indian Ocean coast. Indeed,
it may be shown archaeologically that Great Zimbabwe was the centre of
a widespread network of related sites (Sinclair 1987; Sinclair et al. 1993b;
Pikirayi 2001), for near-identical pottery is found in stone buildings of com-
parable style as far aď¬eld as Manekweni on the coastal plain of southern
Mozambique and at Ruanga and Nhunguza in northern Zimbabwe (Garlake
1973b, 1976). In the latter area the Great Zimbabwe people apparently set-
tled in control over a peasant community with a distinct pottery tradition.
One house within the Nhunguza stone enclosure seems to have served as
an audience chamber (Fig. 154).
Cattle-herding was of major importance at Great Zimbabwe and related
sites (Garlake 1978b). The livestock was often kept at a distance from the
main settlements, and transhumance seems to have been practised in some
areas (Sinclair 1984). Study of bones recovered from different areas of the
Great Zimbabwe site suggests that prime young animals were slaughtered
for the ruling Ă©lite (Thorp 1995).
The decline of Great Zimbabwe in the ď¬fteenth century came at a time
when political power was transferred to a more northerly site, near the
Zambezi Valley, which was then replacing the Sabi as the major route to
the coast (Pikirayi 1993). This development may have been linked with an
increase in the importance of copper from the northern mines as a valuable
trade item (Fig. 155). A site of this period has been excavated at Ingombe
Ilede, on the bank of the Zambezi near Kariba (Fagan et al. 1969; D. W.
302 afric an archaeolog y
Phillipson and Fagan 1969). By the middle of the sixteenth century the
Portuguese had penetrated the Zambezi Valley route to the interior. To the
southwest, sites such as Naletale and Khami (K. R. Robinson 1959), where
elaborately decorated stone walling faced massive terraces (Fig. 156), belong
to this late period and may be attributed to the kingdom of Guruhuswa,
which traded with the Portuguese during the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries (Beach 1994). Archaeology thus serves to conď¬rm the evidence of
oral tradition for the essential continuity between the inhabitants of sites
related to Great Zimbabwe and the modern Shona-speaking peoples.
Broadly contemporary with these developments, in the eastern highlands
of Zimbabwe near the border with Mozambique, the extensive remains of
stone terraces and associated structures around Nyanga (Soper 2002) have
long attracted attention. They may now be dated between the twelfth and
the nineteenth centuries, with most intensive use during the second half
of this period. It has not proved possible to link these developments with
those known from more westerly regions. The Nyanga structures are now
The second millennium ad in sub-Saharan Africa 303
Fig. 155: Copper
seen as essentially agricultural, comprising elaborate terrace systems with
some capacity for irrigation and associated pens for dwarf cattle. The few
apparently defensive structures in more northerly parts of the area are
probably of late date and may not be connected with the other features
In more southerly regions, we are here concerned both with the
areas noted in chapter 7 as having been inhabited by people of the
Chifumbaze complex, and with those to which Bantu-speaking people sub-
sequently expanded. By the seventeenth century, when written records for
this part of the continent effectively begin, it appears that Bantu-speakers
occupied most of the territory lying northeast of a line extending roughly
from the Windhoek area of Namibia to Port Alfred on the southeast
304 afric an archaeolog y
Fig. 157: Nyanga:
entrance to a
coast of South Africa. Beyond this line, the indigenous populations were
KhoiSan-speaking, using stone and bone tools together with metal items
which they obtained by trade with their northern and eastern neighbours
or with European colonists. Some of these KhoiSan-speakers were hunter-
gatherers, others pastoralists (Wilson 1969). They are discussed below.
The second millennium ad in sub-Saharan Africa 305
As was the case further to the north, there seems to have been a signif-
icant acceleration of change in the Bantu-speaking regions of South Africa
around the eleventh century, although these developments were probably
not so fundamental as was formerly believed. The most important changes
may be linked with an increased scale of cattle herding which, inter alia, con-
tributed to the expansion of settlement into the high grasslands of the Free
State as well as into parts of Botswana and Namibia not previously inhabited
by Bantu-speaking people. There is controversy over the extent to which this
trend -- which had, of course, begun before the close of the ď¬rst millennium
ad -- was facilitated by bush clearance at the hands of earlier cultivators.
It is, however, clear that the increasing scale of herding has been impor-
tant in setting the distinctive course of subsequent South African history
(M. Hall 1987; Feely 1987). It has been argued that the development of a
socio-economic system based upon the herding of cattle, with its opportuni-
ties for the accumulation of personal wealth, was at least as great a shift as
the beginning of farming had been several centuries earlier (M. Hall 1987;
In the Northern (Limpopo) Province of South Africa, the Soutpansberg area
is marked by a series of stone-walled sites which bear many resemblances to
those of Zimbabwe. They may be attributed to the ancestors of the present
Venda, and indicate a formal settlement hierarchy linked with a centralised
system of political authority (Huffman and Hanisch 1987). The clearest pic-
ture of a village site of the ď¬rst half of the present millennium north of the
Vaal comes from Olifantspoort in North-West Province. Here, about twenty
circular pole-and-mud houses were set around an open area where cattle
were kept (Mason 1974, 1986). Such a site plan may be seen as a character-
istic feature of many southern African societies, and one which has been
traced tentatively back into the ď¬rst millennium ad (Huffman 1982).
Ancient mines for iron, copper, tin and gold are reported from several
northern areas of South Africa, but most were destroyed by modern mining
operations before archaeological investigations could be undertaken. Fortu-
nately this does not apply to the copper workings around Messina in the
Limpopo Valley and those for both iron and copper in the Phalaborwa area
of Mpumalanga. At Phalaborwa both shafts and horizontal passages were
excavated for the recovery of copper ore, but iron ore was collected or quar-
ried from the surface. The pottery sequence at Phalaborwa is continuous
from the eleventh century and leads up to wares of the type made by north-
eastern Sotho peoples (van der Merwe and Scully 1971). At Harmony, also in
the Mpumalanga Lowveld, soapstone bowls were used for evaporating brine.
Archaeological survey, much of it carried out by aerial photography, has
revealed the presence in highland areas north and south of the Vaal of
numerous enclosures of dry-stone walling incorporating circular structures,
306 afric an archaeolog y
many of which were evidently houses or stock pens (Fig. 158). The majority
of these sites probably date to the period between the ď¬fteenth and the
very beginning of the nineteenth centuries. In Free State Province, the ear-
liest settlement by iron-using peoples is marked by several distinct types of
stone enclosures which may be attributed to populations ancestral to cer-
tain Tswana and Sotho groups (Maggs 1976), providing links between peoples
recognised in the archaeological record and those whose history has been
investigated from oral and written sources. Parallel evidence comes from
eastern Botswana where, as indicated in chapter 7, the early stages of these
developments had taken place during the closing centuries of the ď¬rst mil-
The region of East London marks the southernmost settlement of iron-
using people in pre-colonial times. At least in some areas, the structures
that were in use were insubstantial and may have been of dome-shaped
grass-covered type, as at Blackburn near Durban (Davies 1971). Evidently,
between the eleventh and the sixteenth centuries, iron-using peoples intensi-
ď¬ed their settlement through KwaZulu-Natal and into the Eastern Cape as far
as the Kei River (Maggs 1980). In the uKhahlamba/Drakensberg foothills more
permanent villages were constructed, and the farming economy appears to
have been based on the herding of cattle and the cultivation of sorghum.
These archaeological reconstructions are in keeping with Zulu and Xhosa
Before concluding this survey of the second millennium ad in the Bantu-
speaking regions, certain points require emphasis. The transition from the
Chifumbaze complex to its successors cannot be seen as a clear break: there
are many indications of continuity in culture and in population. Regional
trends, notably the emphasis on cattle herds in the southeast and on
The second millennium ad in sub-Saharan Africa 307
metal-working to the north and west, were continued and ampliď¬ed. Popu-
lation densities seem rapidly to have increased, to judge from the number
of visible sites, the distribution of which now extended into less favourable
regions, and the remnant populations from earlier times seem ď¬nally to
have been absorbed. In many areas there are strong indications of cultural
continuity into recent times. It follows, therefore, that many of the peoples
who inhabit this part of Africa can regard themselves as having roots which
extend back to the early centuries ad (cf. Garlake 1982).
Beyond the Bantu-speaking zone, in the territory of the KhoiSan-speakers,
the varied life-styles noted for ď¬rst-millennium times in chapter 7 contin-
ued, at ď¬rst with little perceptible change. The ď¬rst European colonists at
the Cape of Good Hope divided the indigenous inhabitants into three cate-
gories. There were the â˜strandlopersâ™, who were gatherers of shellď¬sh and
wild vegetable foods, there were herders of cattle and sheep, and there were
ď¬shermen who also owned herds of cattle. It is not clear whether these
groups represented three separate populations or representatives of a single
society following different economic patterns at different seasons. Archaeo-
logy in this instance provides no clear means of distinguishing between sep-
arate populations, but the balance of probability now suggests that, at least
in the Western Cape, herders and foragers were largely distinct from one
another, pottery manufacture being generally the prerogative of the former
(A. B. Smith et al. 1991). This picture probably holds good for much of the
coastal region from Namibia to the Eastern Cape.
One aspect of the culture of the second-millennium KhoiSan-speakers of
southern Africa which has been studied in particular detail by prehistori-
ans is the rock art, which is essentially a continuation of that executed in
earlier times (see chapter 4; also Lewis-Williams 1983). The large number of
paintings which appear to belong to the present millennium may be due
to increased population stress as foragers, herders and, latterly, European
settlers competed for resources and land (Parkington et al. 1986). In the
Western Cape several representations of fat-tailed sheep have been discov-
ered but, interestingly, paintings of cattle only occur in the latest stylised
series. Rare paintings of European-style ships must be later than the end
of the ď¬fteenth century. Human ď¬gures are shown in dress akin to that of
the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century settlers, as are ox- or horse-drawn
wagons (Fig. 159). The ď¬nest and most abundant paintings occur in the
uKhahlamba/Drakensberg, as noted above. Many are apparently of late date,
but domestic animals are not shown except in the most recent series which
308 afric an archaeolog y
Fig. 159: Rock
painting of an
ox-wagon in the
broadly correlates with the advent of European settlement (Vinnicombe
In the drier interior regions of South Africa, backed microliths contin-
ued to be made well into the second millennium ad, perhaps as late as
the seventeenth century. The presence at sites of this period of glass beads,
pottery and occasional metal objects probably indicates some degree of con-
tact with iron-using peoples further to the north. From about the sixteenth
century, peoples of the southwestern Free State and adjacent areas of the
Northern Cape began to adopt a more settled pastoralist life-style, erecting
stone-walled enclosures apparently inspired by those of their Bantu-speaking
neighbours (Maggs 1971). The characteristic stone tools, in place of backed
microliths, were now varied types of edge-retouched ď¬‚akes. It is not surpris-
ing that rivalry eventually developed between the two groups. Along much
of the â˜frontierâ™, raiding, stock theft and open hostility became the order of
the day. In Lesotho, KwaZulu-Natal and the Free State the process is vividly
recorded in a number of rock paintings. Nor were the European colonists
excluded from these events. Their herds likewise received the attentions
of the raiders. As a result of European counter-measures and aggression,
the KhoiSan-speaking population of much of South Africa was, by the early
nineteenth century, destroyed or reduced to serfdom.
I have attempted in this chapter to outline the many connexions which
may be made in sub-Saharan Africa between the evidence of archaeology
The second millennium ad in sub-Saharan Africa 309
and that of other historical sources for the events and processes which have
taken place during the second millennium ad. As archaeological and other
research in these regions passes increasingly into the hands of indigenous
scholars, whose own cultural roots are in the societies under study, such
links can only be strengthened, to the beneď¬t of mankindâ™s understandings
and appreciation of the African past and its heritage.
Such trends are, in fact, paralleled throughout the long time-span covered
in this book. First published in 1985, it has now been subject to two major
revisions. In preparing this third edition, I have been struck by several recent
developments. The ď¬rst is the extremely rapid growth in the number of rel-
evant publications; unfortunately, this reď¬‚ects not only an increased tempo
of research and understanding, but also pressures for scholars to publish
in a world where quantity and quality are less clearly differentiated than
formerly. Secondly, although this book is focussed primarily on archaeology,
the range of adjunct disciplines to which reference must be made is steadily
increasing both in number and in the signiď¬cance of their contribution to
understanding. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the contribution of
genetic studies throughout the African archaeological sequence. This trend
will undoubtedly continue, with the result that study of the African past
is becoming increasingly collaborative; no longer can any individual com-
mand the range of expertise fully to understand, much less co-ordinate,
the increasing complexity, variety and quantity of the available data. Third,
African archaeology is now accepted internationally as a study not only of
local interest, but also of world-wide relevance. It is being studied not only
by those whose primary interests lie in Africa itself, but by many other mem-
bers of the international community of archaeologists. This is an extremely
welcome development, which can only beneď¬t international understanding
in ď¬elds which include, but extend far beyond, archaeology.
The text of this book is fully referenced to the published supporting and explanatory
evidence. For each signiď¬cant topic a primary reference is given, together with cita-
tions for major current controversies and the most recent available overview of which
the author is aware. In some cases, a single deď¬nitive statement is available, but often
reference must be made to numerous publications of a preliminary nature. Research
and discovery proceed so fast that it is neither practicable nor desirable to exclude
such sources. Where a choice is available between languages, English has been chosen
as most likely to be accessible to the majority of readers. United Kingdom imprints
are generally cited, although many works are also published in the United States
of America, occasionally with variant titles. In view of the highly detailed nature
of many of the sources cited, readers may ď¬nd it useful to have a brief guide to
some more general works that provide up-to-date interpretative surveys of particular
regions or topics.
Much current research is ď¬rst published in journals. The relevant papers can be
widely scattered and it is not easy to track them all down. The journals which often
include African material include Nature, the Journal of Archaeological Science, the Journal
of World Prehistory and the Journal of Human Evolution. The African Archaeological Review
has been, until very recently, the only title devoted to the archaeology of the entire
continent. As this book goes to press, the Journal of African Archaeology and Afrique:
ArchĂ©ologie et Arts are making their appearance. There are numerous national and
regional journals such as the South African Archaeological Bulletin, Azania, the West
African Journal of Archaeology, Sahara, ArchĂ©ologie du Nil Moyen, and Sudan & Nubia.
Much important material is also recorded in the various volumes of Proceedings of
the Panafrican Congress on Prehistory.
For the early periods of human evolution and cultural development, on a
world-wide rather than an exclusively African stage, the survey by Klein (1999) is
invaluable. For Africa itself, much useful information on all periods in the sub-
Saharan regions has been assembled by Vogel (1997). Later periods in Africa are con-
sidered in archaeological terms by Connah (2001) and against an essentially linguistic
framework by Ehret (2002). A useful attempt to view African socio-political develop-
ments is by S. K. McIntosh (1999a). Africaâ™s role in the development and dissemination
of world monotheistic religion is surveyed by Insoll (2003) for Islam (see also Adahl
and SahlstrÂ¨m 1995) and by Finneran (2002) for Christianity. Garlake (2002) has pro-
vided a selective but ď¬nely illustrated overview of art and architecture.
Regional studies are of variable quality. Many parts of the continent lack an up-
to-date survey, perhaps because research has proliferated in some areas or because it
has stagnated in others. Overviews with comprehensive bibliographies include the
following: on the development of farming in the Sahara and adjacent regions --
Hassan 2002; on ancient Egypt -- Kemp 1989 and Nicholson & Shaw 2000; on later
periods in the Sudan -- Welsby 1996, 2002; on Ethiopia -- D. W. Phillipson 1998; on
the East African coast -- C. Kusimba 1999; on Botswana -- Lane et al. 1998; on southern
Africa -- H. J. and J. Deacon 1999; Mitchell 2002.
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Abungu, G. H. O. 1998. City states of the East African coast and their maritime con-
tacts, pp. 204--18 in G. Connah (ed.) Transformations in Africa: Essays on Africaâ™s Later
Past. London: Leicester University Press.
Adahl, K. and B. SahlstrÂ¨m (eds.) 1995. Islamic Art and Culture in Sub-Saharan Africa.
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