forces of the early 1960s, was chosen for the task and installed in May 1997.
Congolese nationalism then obliged him to press the invading forces to leave,
but he was no more able than Mobutu to control the violence on Rwanda‚Ä™s
border. In 1998 Rwanda and Uganda invaded again, but this time other African
states, especially Angola and Zimbabwe, sent troops to defend Kabila‚Ä™s regime.
They checked the invasion, but instead the Rwandans and Ugandans allied with
politicians and warlords in the eastern and northern Congo anxious to oust
In the time of AIDS 309
Kabila. During 1999 and 2000, the Congo was effectively partitioned along a
line running from northwest to southeast. As in the civil wars in Liberia and
Sierra Leone, all parties Ô¬Ānanced their operations by exploiting the resources ‚Ä“
chieÔ¬‚y mineral resources ‚Ä“ within the areas they controlled. A United Nations
enquiry estimated that in 1999 alone Rwanda extracted some $320 million
from its activities in the Congo. International mediators secured agreement
to a ceaseÔ¬Āre in August 1999, but it was not implemented until January 2001
when Kabila was assassinated and replaced by his son. In December 2002, the
Congolese parties agreed to form a power-sharing transitional government
under his presidency until elections in 2006, which Joseph Kabila won. Rwanda
and Uganda formally withdrew, but both maintained interests in the eastern
Congo through their Congolese clients, while Rwanda established something
close to a protectorate over much of the Kivu province, which had long been
an expansion area for its surplus population. Much local violence continued
in this eastern region, where there was Ô¬Āerce competition for land. Rwanda‚Ä™s
interest in continuing instability in the region was especially dangerous.
In terms of civilian casualties, the Congolese War was probably the most
devastating that Africa had ever experienced. Along with more localised crises
in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Congo-Brazzaville, Cote d‚Ä™Ivoire, Algeria,
and the Ethiopian-Eritrean border, it was reason to see the transition to the
new millennium as a period of particular insecurity. At the same time, however,
peace at last came to Angola and the southern Sudan, power was transferred
in South Africa without major violence, and many African peoples gained
greater political freedom. Multiparty democracy had ruled since independence
in prosperous and ethnically homogeneous Botswana. During the 1990s and
2000s, it may have become rooted in two-party systems in Ghana, Senegal, and
Benin. Statesmen refurbished the Organisation of African Unity as the African
Union in 2002 and spoke optimistically of an African Renaissance and a New
Economic Partnership for African Development. More practically, growth rates
turned upwards for the longest continuous period since the 1970s. And at the
deeper historical level of demography and disease there was also reason for
hope as well as despair.
Africa‚Ä™s population growth rate probably peaked around 1990 at about 3 percent
per year. By 2000‚Ä“4 the rate in sub-Saharan Africa had fallen to 2.2 percent.25
In Egypt and Tunisia, it had begun to decline during the 1960s; in Algeria,
Zimbabwe, South Africa, and possibly Botswana, during the 1980s. Birthrates
fell somewhat earlier, but at a time when deathrates also were still declining.
The youngest Egyptian women were already reducing their fertility during
the 1940s; South African women, possibly during the 1960s; urban women in
310 africans: the history of a continent
Kenya, Sudan, and Ghana, at the same period; and women in some rural parts
of eastern and southern Africa, during the 1970s.26 Sub-Saharan Africa‚Ä™s overall
fertility rate turned downwards in about 1983. By 1990 birthrates had fallen from
their peak by 15 to 25 percent in Botswana, Zimbabwe, and Kenya and by 10
percent or more in parts of southern Nigeria.27
In North Africa, the reduction in fertility was mainly due to female education,
later marriage ‚Ä“ between 1966 and 1986 the median age of Algerian women at
Ô¬Ārst marriage rose from 18 to 23 years ‚Ä“ and the use of contraceptives (chieÔ¬‚y
the pill) to end childbearing after a third or subsequent child, all associated
particularly with urbanisation.28 Fertility decline in tropical Africa generally
began about ten years earlier in towns than in the countryside and appears
to have been due chieÔ¬‚y to contraception, which was propagated by voluntary
agencies in many countries in the years around independence but not generally
accepted by governments until the 1980s.29 Between 1981 ‚Ä“2 and 1987‚Ä“8, ofÔ¬Ācial
family-planning delivery points in Kenya increased from under 100 to 465.
According to the World Bank‚Ä™s (possibly inÔ¬‚ated) Ô¬Āgures, the percentages of
married women of childbearing age or their husbands using contraceptives in
the late 1980s was 50 in Tunisia, 43 in Zimbabwe, 38 in Egypt, 36 in Algeria, 33
in Botswana, and 27 in Kenya, but many tropical countries reported 10 percent
usage or less, with a strong correlation between poverty, low contraceptive use,
and continuing high fertility.30
Adoption of modern contraception correlated closely with female educa-
tion, which gave women career reasons to plan families and the status to make
their wishes respected, and with relatively low infant mortality rates, which
possibly neutralised fears of family extinction. A Kenyan survey in 1989 showed
that men as well as women wished to limit families, two motives being the
expense of fee-based schooling and anxiety not to subdivide scarce land among
sons. Kenyans had come to put wealth in property before wealth in people. In
southern Nigeria, by contrast, it was chieÔ¬‚y women who favoured contra-
ception, either to delay pregnancy and marriage for career reasons or as an
alternative to breastfeeding and sexual abstinence as a means of spacing births
within marriage. These women quoted ofÔ¬Ācial encouragement of family plan-
ning and obtained contraceptives chieÔ¬‚y from the proliferating pharmacies
and medical stores.31 Whether and how fast this second stage of demographic
transition would spread through tropical Africa was uncertain, as was the aver-
age size of family at which stabilisation would occur. Yet between 1990 and 2005,
the proportion of sub-Saharan Africa‚Ä™s people who were of working age had
risen from about 50 percent to nearly 55 percent.32 Africa had survived its peak
period of population growth.
It was therefore doubly tragic that a different demographic crisis now faced
the continent. In 2005 the United Nations reported that Zimbabwe, Botswana,
Lesotho, and Swaziland had become the Ô¬Ārst African countries with declining
In the time of AIDS 311
populations. South Africa barely escaped the same situation, with an esti-
mated annual increase in 2004‚Ä“5 of only 0.6 percent.33 The Ô¬Āve countries had
two things in common: all had experienced rapid fertility decline and all had
exceptionally high prevalence rates of HIV.
the aids epidemic
The Ô¬Ārst convincing evidence of the human immunodeÔ¬Āciency virus (HIV) that
causes the acquired immune deÔ¬Āciency syndrome (AIDS) was its presence ‚Ä“
detected by later analysis ‚Ä“ in the blood of an unknown African man in Kinshasa
in 1959. That in itself would not necessarily imply that the disease originated
in western equatorial Africa, but there are three other reasons to think that
it did. First, its main form (HIV-1) is clearly a transmission to human beings
of a virus (SIV) found in chimpanzees living only in that region, possibly in
the course of hunting. Second, all ten subtypes of HIV-1 were found together
early in the epidemic only in western equatorial Africa, suggesting that the virus
originated and evolved there before particular subtypes were carried elsewhere.
Third, HIV does not itself kill but gradually weakens the immune system over
an average of about ten years, leaving the body vulnerable to other fatal diseases;
a marked increase in those diseases, suggesting the presence of HIV, can Ô¬Ārst
be observed in the main hospital in Kinshasa during the later 1970s.
Thus HIV had existed as a rare disease in western equatorial Africa for at
least twenty years (and probably considerably longer) before it was converted
into an epidemic, perhaps by being transmitted rapidly among sexual partners
in Kinshasa‚Ä™s urban environment. When the disease was Ô¬Ārst recognised there,
in 1983, it had already spread so widely in the general heterosexual population
as to be almost impossible to stop. The Ô¬Ārst careful surveys in Kinshasa in the
mid-1980s found that between 6 and 7 percent of pregnant women attend-
ing antenatal clinics were already infected.34 By then similar urban epidemics
were taking place to the north and east in Bangui, Kigali, and Bujumbura,
while the disease had also spread to the densely populated areas of Uganda and
Tanzania on the western shore of Lake Victoria, where the Ô¬Ārst major rural
epidemic occurred. In the Rakai district there, a later analysis suggested that
at its peak in 1987 some 8.3 percent of people aged 15‚Ä“24 were being infected
each year.35 From this lakeside area, HIV was carried to Kampala, Nairobi, and
Dar es Salaam, all of which experienced major epidemics during the 1980s, and
expanded from there throughout eastern Africa, the main carriers being com-
mercial sex workers, motor drivers, and others who travelled the commercial
highways. HIV also reached Addis Ababa in 1984, became epidemic there, and
spread to other Ethiopian towns.
During the 1980s, the epidemic was most serious in eastern Africa, but in the
1990s the focus shifted southwards. The disease may Ô¬Ārst have been carried from
312 africans: the history of a continent
the Katanga region of the Congo to the neighbouring Zambian Copperbelt.
It then infected other Central African cities before spreading to the coun-
tryside. HIV appears to have reached Botswana about 1985 and the African
population of South Africa a year or so later. South Africa at that time, with
extensive mobility and migration, large and impoverished urban populations,
high levels of sexual and other diseases, and widespread urban unrest, was an
almost perfect environment for HIV and its epidemic grew quickly, particularly
in the mid-1990s when both white and black authorities were preoccupied with
the transition to majority rule. By 2003 over Ô¬Āve million South Africans were
infected, the largest number anywhere in the world, with especially high preva-
lence among young people, particularly young women, in the shanty towns
fringing major cities.
HIV spread less quickly into West Africa, perhaps because transport routes
northwards from the Congo epicentre were less developed, West African
townswomen enjoyed greater economic independence as traders, almost all
men were circumcised (which provided some protection against infection),
the most dangerous sexually transmitted disease (herpes simplex virus-2) was
less prevalent than elsewhere, and Islamic societies had low levels of partner
exchange. The main focus of HIV-1 infection in West Africa was Abidjan,
whence sex workers and their clients spread the disease to other coastal towns,
while migrant labourers took it northwards into savanna regions. Further west,
in Guinea-Bissau, a less virulent form of the disease (HIV-2) was contracted
from local monkeys and brieÔ¬‚y became epidemic during the liberation war
of 1960‚Ä“74 but declined thereafter. Prevalence in North Africa remained low,
chieÔ¬‚y owing to Islamic constraints on sexual behaviour. For fundamentalists,
indeed, AIDS was the reward of jahiliyya.
By 2005 some twenty-Ô¬Āve million Africans were living with HIV/AIDS, over
thirteen million had died of it ‚Ä“ more than had been exported during the four
centuries of the Atlantic slave trade ‚Ä“ and twelve million African children had
lost at least one parent to the disease.36 The main reason why the continent
had suffered the world‚Ä™s worst epidemic was that it was the Ô¬Ārst epidemic,
established in the general heterosexual population before the disease was even
known to exist, whereas epidemics in other continents were generally imported
into speciÔ¬Āc population groups, such as homosexuals or injecting drug users,
who could more easily be isolated and targeted. Compared with this, patterns
of sexual behaviour were secondary; Africans were not more promiscuous than
many other peoples, although networks of partner exchange were wider and
more dangerous than those of Islamic societies and of most Asian cultures,
where extramarital sex often focused more exclusively on prostitution. The
low status of women, especially in much of eastern and southern Africa, was an
important factor, for in 2005 some 57 percent of infected Africans were women,
In the time of AIDS 313
the highest proportion in the world.37 Sexually transmitted diseases were also
more widespread in Africa, especially HSV-2, which caused genital ulcers and
spread in symbiosis with HIV. Africa‚Ä™s rapid and often chaotic urbanisation
was one link between the epidemic and the massive population growth of the
period; another was the exceptionally high proportion of Africans who were
young and hence especially at risk. Poverty, like sexual behaviour, was probably
a secondary contributor to the epidemic, for there were far more poor people
in Asia than Africa and the African epidemic was not markedly concentrated
among poor people or poor countries, as Botswana‚Ä™s high prevalence showed.
Yet the inadequacy of Africa‚Ä™s medical systems, especially when eroded by
structural adjustment programmes, not only slowed initial recognition of the
disease but contributed greatly to the sufferings of AIDS patients and delayed
the adoption of antiretroviral drugs. In 2005 sub-Saharan Africa had a shortage
of a million health workers.
Governmental responses to HIV were generally slow and reluctant. Most
leaders saw it as shameful to their newly asserted national dignity and beyond
the capacity of their impoverished states to alleviate. They responded to World
Health Organisation pressure by creating skeleton AIDS programmes, but only
Abdou Diouf in Senegal and Yoweri Museveni in Uganda threw their full polit-
ical support behind them. Initial popular responses, similarly, often contained
much denial. Awareness grew rapidly as the scale of the epidemic became appar-
ent, but the insidious character of the disease and the lack of effective medical
treatment fostered moral explanations and the stigmatisation of those infected,
thereby encouraging forms of concealment that contributed to the epidemic‚Ä™s
further expansion. At the same time, however, Africa‚Ä™s strong family structures
provided generous care for both patients and orphaned children, aided by the
proliferation of NGOs, which was a feature of the period. By 2003 Uganda
alone had about two thousand NGOs engaged in AIDS care. The long course
of the sickness, feverish search for treatment, time-consuming burden of care,
and need to preserve family dignity by a respectable funeral made AIDS an
expensive disease, often ruinous to poor households. Its wider social costs
appeared most vividly in 2001 ‚Ä“3 when Malawi and neighbouring regions suf-
fered a new kind of famine, most severe among ‚Ä˜AIDS-poor‚Ä™ households where
elderly people or widowed mothers struggled to provide for orphaned children
with no assets left to realise and no capacity to recuperate.
The point of deepest pessimism was the mid-1990s, when the epidemic
was spreading most quickly (especially in southern Africa), government pro-
grammes had exhausted their energy and money, and early expectations of a
cure or vaccine had come to nothing. At this point, however, two developments
brought new hope. One was evidence, initially from Uganda, that HIV preva-
lence was beginning to fall at surprising speed, from 13 percent of adults in the
314 africans: the history of a continent
early 1990s to 6.7 percent in 2006.38 The reasons for this were still disputed as
late as 2006. Some claimed that fewer people were being infected because their
sexual behaviour was becoming more responsible as a result of public edu-
cation and direct experience of suffering; Ugandans in particular had been
exposed to both. Others denied that new infections were declining or that
sexual behaviour had changed signiÔ¬Ācantly, claiming instead that over 80 per-
cent of the reduction in prevalence was due to increased deaths of infected
people. Analysis of declining prevalence in eastern Zimbabwe between 1998 and
2003 suggested behavioural change as the main explanation there.39 Elsewhere,
evidence even of reduced prevalence emerged only slowly in urban and rural
Kenya, highly infected rural areas of Tanzania, urban Burkina and Zambia,
and Abidjan, Kigali, and Lilongwe. Nowhere were the reasons yet certain, but
the evidence kindled hope that the epidemic might yet be controlled. Hope
was reinforced by indications of growing condom use and of young people
abandoning feckless sexual behaviour, even in South Africa where elders had
previously despaired of a ‚Ä˜lost generation‚Ä™ alienated during the struggle against
The second source of hope was the discovery in 1994 that the Ô¬Ārst antiretro-
viral drug, azidothymidine, could dramatically reduce the transmission of HIV
from mothers to babies. At Ô¬Ārst this was too expensive for use in Africa, but by
1998 cheaper regimens were under trial. In South Africa, this sparked conÔ¬‚ict
between doctors, activists, and people with HIV/AIDS, on the one side, and,
on the other, the ANC government, which feared that concentration on HIV
might derail its programme of primary health care for the poor. While the
activists drew on the traditions of the anti-apartheid movement to create a
campaigning organisation, the Treatment Action Campaign, the government
took refuge in what its opponents denounced as obstruction and denial. After
four years of conÔ¬‚ict, the government undertook to provide antiretrovirals for
pregnant women with HIV. In 2003 it announced a plan to supply drugs also
to repress (but not cure) the disease in all those with advanced HIV, for which
relatively cheap drugs and vastly increased international funding had mean-
while become available. By December 2005, over 200,000 South Africans were
receiving antiretroviral treatment, although this was only 21 percent of those
requiring it. The number receiving treatment in all sub-Saharan Africa was
810,000 (i.e., 17 percent of those needing it), the most successful programmes
being in Botswana (85 percent), Namibia (71 percent), Uganda (51 percent),
and Senegal (47 percent).40
Antiretrovirals ‚Ä“ and even more so a vaccine, if one could be devised ‚Ä“
opened the possibility that the AIDS epidemic, so often seen as a metaphor
for Africa‚Ä™s failure to achieve modernity, might rather be the means by which
modern medicine at last became predominant within the continent. In other
ways, too, the roots of the epidemic led deeply back into Africa‚Ä™s past, through
In the time of AIDS 315
the state contraction and anti-apartheid struggle of the 1980s, through the rapid
population growth of the 1950s, through the cities and commercial networks
of the colonial period, through the great epidemics of early European rule, and
through the notions of honour and family duty with which Africans had so
often met adversity, to the colonisation of the natural environment that had
been the core of their history and now, once more, had left its mark upon
CHA R. Oliver and J. D. Fage, eds., Cambridge history of Africa (8 vols.,
CMS Church Missionary Society Archives, University of Birmingham
IJAHS International Journal of African Historical Studies
JAH Journal of African History
UNESCO J. Ki-Zerbo and others, eds., UNESCO general history of Africa
history (8 vols., London, 1981 ‚Ä“93).
WDR World Bank, World development report (Washington)
2. the emergence of food-producing communities
1. M. Brunet and others, ‚Ä˜A new hominid from the Upper Miocene of Chad, Central Africa‚Ä™,
Nature, 418 (2002), 145‚Ä“51 ; C. P. E. Zollikofer and others, ‚Ä˜Virtual cranial reconstruction
of Sahelanthropus tchadensis‚Ä™, Nature, 434 (2005), 755‚Ä“9.
2. B. Wood and M. Collard, ‚Ä˜The human genus‚Ä™, Science, 284 (1999), 65‚Ä“71.
3. See P. Forster, ‚Ä˜Ice ages and the mitochondrial DNA chronology of human dispersals:
a review‚Ä™, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London B, 359 (2004), 255‚Ä“
64; E. Trinkaus, ‚Ä˜Early modern humans‚Ä™, Annual Review of Anthropology, 34 (2005),
4. See P. A. Underhill and others, ‚Ä˜The phylogeography of Y chromosome binary haplo-
types and the origins of modern human populations‚Ä™, Annals of Human Genetics, 65
5. P. Breunig, K. Neumann, and W. Van Neer, ‚Ä˜New research on the Holocene settlement
and environment of the Chad Basin in Nigeria‚Ä™, African Archaeological Review, 13 (1996),
6. D. G. Bradley, D. E. MacHugh, P. Cunningham, and R. T. Loftus, ‚Ä˜Mitochondrial
diversity and the origins of African and European cattle‚Ä™, Proceedings of the National
Academy of Sciences of the USA, 93 (1996), 5131 ‚Ä“5.
7. R. Haaland, ‚Ä˜Fish, pots and grain: Early and Mid-Holocene adaptations in the central
Sudan‚Ä™, African Archaeological Review, 10 (1992), 43‚Ä“64.
8. C. M. Mbida, W. Van Neer, H. Doutrelepont, and L. Vrydaghs, ‚Ä˜Evidence for banana
cultivation and animal husbandry during the Ô¬Ārst millennium bc in the forest of south-
ern Cameroon‚Ä™, Journal of Archaeological Science, 27 (2000), 151 ‚Ä“62; J. Vansina, ‚Ä˜Bananas
in Cameroun c. 500 bce? Not proven‚Ä™, Azania, 38 (2003), 174‚Ä“6.
318 Notes to pages 20‚Ä“49
3. the impact of metals
1. Estimates in K. W. Butzer, Early hydraulic civilization in Egypt (Chicago, 1976), pp. 76‚Ä“7,
83, 91 ‚Ä“2; D. O‚Ä™Connor, ‚Ä˜A regional population in Egypt to circa 600 bc‚Ä™, in B. Spooner
(ed.), Population growth (Cambridge, Mass., 1972), ch. 4; R. S. Bagnall and B. W. Frier,
The demography of Roman Egypt (Cambridge, 1994), p. 56.
2. Quoted in T. G. H. James, Pharaoh‚Ä™s people: scenes from life in imperial Egypt (London,
1984), p. 57.
3. K. Baer, ‚Ä˜An Eleventh Dynasty farmer‚Ä™s letters to his family‚Ä™, Journal of the American
Oriental Society, 83 (1963), 8, 2‚Ä“3.
4. The prophecy of the potter, quoted in N. Lewis, Life in Egypt under Roman rule (Oxford,
1985), pp. 206‚Ä“7.
5. C. A. Diop in UNESCO history, vol. II, p. 49.
6. Quoted in D. N. Edwards, The Nubian past: an archaeology of the Sudan (London, 2004),
7. C. Bonnet, ‚Ä˜Excavations at the Nubian royal town of Kerma: 1975‚Ä“91 ‚Ä™, Antiquity, 66
8. R. Fattovich, K. Sadr, and S. Vitagliano, ‚Ä˜Societ` e territorio nel Delta del Gash‚Ä™, Africa
(Rome), 43 (1988), 394‚Ä“453.
9. R. Fattovich, ‚Ä˜Remarks on the pre-Aksumite period in northern Ethiopia‚Ä™, Journal of
Ethiopian Studies, 23 (1990), 1 ‚Ä“33.
10. G. Barker, D. Gilbertson, B. Jones, and D. Mattingly, Farming the desert: the UNESCO
Libyan Valleys archaeological survey (2 vols., Paris, 1996), vol. I, p. 345.
11. The following account relies heavily on D. Killick, ‚Ä˜What do we know about African
iron working?‚Ä™ Journal of African Archaeology, 2 (2004), 97‚Ä“112.
12. A. Salas and others, ‚Ä˜The making of the African mtDNA landscape‚Ä™, American Journal of
Human Genetics, 71 (2002), 1082; L. Pereira and others, ‚Ä˜Prehistoric and historic traces
in the mtDNA of Mozambique‚Ä™, American Journal of Human Genetics, 65 (2001), 439,
4. christianity and islam
1. H. Musurillo (ed.), The acts of the Christian martyrs (Oxford, 1972), pp. 113‚Ä“15.
2. R. Payne Smith (trans.), The third part of the ecclesiastical history of John Bishop of Ephesus
(Oxford, 1860), p. 254.
3. Smith, Ecclesiastical history, p. 320.
4. Al-Maqrizi, quoted in A. J. Butler, The Arab conquest of Egypt (2nd edn, Oxford, 1978),
5. S. D. Goitein, A mediterranean society (6 vols., Berkeley, 1967‚Ä“94), vol. I, p. 92.
6. M. Rouvillois-Brigol, ‚Ä˜La steppisation en Tunisie depuis l‚Ä™¬ī poque punique‚Ä™, Bulletin
arch¬īologique du Comit¬ī des Travaux Historiques et ScientiÔ¬Āques, new series, 19B (1985),
7. Quoted in J. L. Abu-Lughod, Cairo (Princeton, 1971), p. 338 n7.
8. Estimate in M. W. Dols, The Black Death in the Middle East (Princeton, 1977), p. 218.
9. Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah: an introduction to history (trans. F. Rosenthal, ed. N. J.
Dawood, London, 1967), p. 30.
10. S. K. McIntosh and R. J. McIntosh, ‚Ä˜Archaeological reconnaissance in the region of
Timbuktu, Mali‚Ä™, National Geographic Research, 2 (1986), 302‚Ä“19.
Notes to pages 51‚Ä“72
11. N. Levtzion and J. F. P. Hopkins (eds.), Corpus of early Arabic sources for West African
history (Cambridge, 1981), p. 80.
12. Levtzion and Hopkins, Early Arabic sources, pp. 296‚Ä“7.
13. M. Horton, Shanga: the archaeology of a Muslim trading community on the coast of East
Africa (London, 1996).
14. G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville (ed.), The East African coast: select documents (Oxford, 1962),
15. Freeman-Grenville, East African coast, p. 31.
16. Ibn Hawqal (d. 988), in G. Vantini (ed.), Oriental sources concerning Nubia (Heidelberg,
1975), p. 162.
17. Vantini, Oriental sources, p. 563.
18. E. A. Wallis Budge (ed.), The life of Takla Haymanot (2 vols., London, 1906), vol. I,
19. C. F. Beckingham and G. W. B. Huntingford (eds.), The Prester John of the Indies (2 vols.,
Cambridge, 1961), vol. I, pp. 135‚Ä“7.
20. Budge, Takla Haymanot, vol. II, p. 302.
21. Beckingham and Huntingford, Prester John, vol. I, p. 189.
22. Quoted in G. W. B. Huntingford (ed.), The glorious victories of Amda Seyon (Oxford,
1965), p. 129.
23. J. Ludolphus, A new history of Ethiopia (2nd edn, London, 1684), p. 380.
24. Huntingford, Glorious victories, pp. 89‚Ä“90.
25. Budge, Takla Haymanot, vol. I, p. 91.
5. colonising society in western africa
1. The song of Bagauda, in M. Hiskett, A history of Hausa Islamic verse (London, 1975),
2. J. Vansina, Paths in the rainforests (London, 1990), and How societies are born: governance
in West Central Africa before 1600 (Charlottesville, 2004).
3. C. J. Hackett, ‚Ä˜On the origin of the human treponematoses‚Ä™, Bulletin of the World Health
Organization, 29 (1963), 16.
4. K. R. Dumbell and F. Huq, ‚Ä˜Epidemiological implications of the typing of variola iso-
lates‚Ä™, Transactions of the Royal Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene, 69 (1975),
5. Akhbar Molouk es-Soudan, Tedzkiret en-Nisian (trans. O. Houdas, Paris, 1966), pp. 117‚Ä“
6. See J. C. Caldwell, in UNESCO history, vol. VII, p. 463; J. C. Riley, ‚Ä˜Estimates of regional
and global life expectancy, 1800‚Ä“2001 ‚Ä™, Population and Development Review, 31 (2005),
7. M. Last, ‚Ä˜The power of youth, youth of power‚Ä™, in H. d‚Ä™Almeida-Topor, C. Coquery-
Vidrovitch, O. Goerg, and F. Guitart (eds.), Les jeunes en Afrique (2 vols, Paris, 1992),
vol. II, p. 378.
8. F. Moore, Travels into the inland parts of Africa (London, 1738), pp. 132‚Ä“3. See also S. A.
Wisnes (ed.), Letters on West Africa and the slave trade (Oxford, 1992), p. 141 ; G. Nachtigal,
Sahara and Sudan (trans. A. G. B. and H. J. Fisher, 4 vols., London, 1974‚Ä“87), vol. III,
9. P.-L. Monteil, De Saint-Louis a Tripoli par le Lac Tchad (Paris ), p. 43.
10. D. T. Niane, Sundiata: an epic of old Mali (trans. G. D. Pickett, London, 1965), p. 62.
320 Notes to pages 75‚Ä“113
11. D. Lange and S. Berthoud, ‚Ä˜L‚Ä™int¬ī rieur de l‚Ä™Afrique Occidentale d‚Ä™apr` s Giovanni
Lorenzo Anania‚Ä™, Cahiers d‚Ä™histoire mondiale, 14 (1972), 341.
12. Ahmed ibn Fartua, ‚Ä˜The Kanem wars‚Ä™, in H. R. Palmer, Sudanese memoirs (reprinted,
3 parts, London, 1967), part I, p. 24.
13. Quoted by H. J. Fisher in CHA, vol. III, p. 273.
14. D. Lange (ed.), A Sudanic chronicle: the Borno expeditions of Idris Alauma (Stuttgart,
1987), pp. 63, 89.
15. G. R. Crone (ed.), The voyages of Cadamosto (London, 1937), p. 48.
16. A. J. Glaze, Art and death in a Senufo village (Bloomington, 1981), p. 197.
17. J. Goody, The myth of the Bagre (Oxford, 1972), p. 288.
18. Goody, Myth, p. 204.
19. U. Beier (ed.), Yoruba poetry (Cambridge, 1970), p. 52.
20. S. Reichmuth, ‚Ä˜Songhay-Lehnw¬® rter im Yoruba und ihr historischer Kontext‚Ä™, Sprache
und Geschichte in Afrika, 9 (1988), 269‚Ä“99.
21. Muhammad Al-Hajj, ‚Ä˜A seventeenth century chronicle on the origins and missionary
activities of the Wangarawa‚Ä™, Kano Studies, 1, 4 (1968), 12.
22. Hamidu Bobbayi and J. O. Hunwick, ‚Ä˜Falkeiana I: a poem by Ibn al-Sabbagh (Dan
Marina) in praise of the Amir al-Muminin Kariyagiwa‚Ä™, Sudanic Africa, 2 (1991),
23. J. Barbot, ‚Ä˜A description of the coasts of North and South-Guinea‚Ä™, in A. and J. Churchill
(eds.), A collection of voyages and travels: volume 5 (London, 1732), p. 368.
24. J. C. Caldwell, I. O. Orubuloye, and P. Caldwell, ‚Ä˜The destabilization of the traditional
Yoruba sexual system‚Ä™, Population and Development Review, 17 (1991), 239‚Ä“62.
25. J. K. Thornton, The kingdom of Kongo (Madison, 1983), p. 29.
26. P. de Marees, Description and historical account of the gold kingdom of Guinea (trans.
A. van Dantzig and A. Jones, Oxford, 1987), p. 180.
27. P. Townshend, ‚Ä˜Mankala in eastern and southern Africa‚Ä™, Azania, 14 (1979), 109‚Ä“38; J. W.
Fernandez, Bwiti (Princeton, 1982), p. 110.
6. colonising society in eastern and southern africa
1. J. O. Vogel, ‚Ä˜An early iron age settlement system in southern Zambia‚Ä™, Azania, 19 (1984),
2. C. Ehret and M. Kinsman, ‚Ä˜Shona dialect classiÔ¬Ācation and its implications for iron age
history in southern Africa‚Ä™, IJAHS, 14 (1981), 401 ‚Ä“43.
3. This account follows T. N. Huffman and J. C. Vogel, ‚Ä˜The chronology of Great Zimbabwe‚Ä™,
South African Archaeological Bulletin, 46 (1991), 61 ‚Ä“70.
4. J. J. Hoover, ‚Ä˜The seduction of Ruwej: reconstructing Ruund history‚Ä™, Ph.D thesis, Yale
University, 1978, pp. 177, 205‚Ä“6, 238.
5. H. Waller (ed.), The last journals of David Livingstone (2 vols., London, 1874), vol, I,
6. J. Hiernaux, Les caract`res physiques des populations du Ruanda et de l‚Ä™Urundi (Brussels,
1954), pp. 79‚Ä“80; J. Simoons, ‚Ä˜Lactose malabsorption in Africa‚Ä™, African Economic History,
5 (1978), 25‚Ä“8; J. R. Levi and others, ‚Ä˜The Levant versus the Horn of Africa: evidence for
bidirectional corridors in human migrations‚Ä™, American Journal of Human Genetics, 74
(2004), 535, 538.
7. S. Feierman, The Shambaa kingdom: a history (Madison, 1974), p. 19.
8. H. Cochet, ‚Ä˜Burundi: quelques questions sur l‚Ä™origine et la diff¬ī renciation d‚Ä™un syst` me
agraire‚Ä™, African Economic History, 26 (1998), 15‚Ä“62.
Notes to pages 114‚Ä“37
9. D. W. Cohen, Womunafu‚Ä™s Bunafu: a study of authority in a nineteenth-century African
community (Princeton, 1977), p. 67.
10. Bungu tradition in A. Shorter, Chiefship in western Tanzania (Oxford, 1972), p. 40.
11. B. A. Ogot, History of the southern Luo: volume I (Nairobi, 1967), pp. 153‚Ä“4.
12. Cohen, Womunafu‚Ä™s Bunafu, p. 44.
13. D. Verschuren, K. R. Laird, and B. F. Cumming, ‚Ä˜Rainfall and drought in equatorial East
Africa during the past 1,000 years‚Ä™, Nature, 403 (2000), 410‚Ä“14.
14. J. dos Santos, ‚Ä˜Eastern Ethiopia‚Ä™, in G. M. Theal (ed.), Records of south-eastern Africa
(9 vols., Cape Town, 1898‚Ä“1903), vol. VII, p. 319.
15. G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville, The French at Kilwa Island (Oxford, 1965), p. 121.
16. C. Thibon, ‚Ä˜F¬ī condit¬ī ‚Äúnaturelle‚ÄĚ et f¬ī condit¬ī contrňÜ ee: un apercu de l‚Ä™¬ī volution de la
e e e e ol¬ī ¬ł e
f¬ī condit¬ī au Burundi‚Ä™, Annales de d¬īmographie historique (1988), 182.
e e e
17. J. H. Speke, Journal of the discovery of the source of the Nile (reprinted, London, 1969),
18. H. B. Thom (ed.), Journal of Jan van Riebeeck (3 vols., Cape Town, 1952‚Ä“8), vol. II, p. 172.
19. A. Kriel, Roots of African thought: volume I (Cape Town, 1984), p. 26.
20. Cohen, Womunafu‚Ä™s Bunafu, p. 130.
21. C. L. S. Nyembezi, Zulu proverbs (Johannesburg, 1954), p. 145.
22. Padhola song, in Ogot, History, p. 99.
23. J. Lewis, ‚Ä˜The rise and fall of the South African peasantry: a critique and reassessment‚Ä™,
Journal of Southern African Studies, 11 (1984‚Ä“5), 5.
24. M. Wilson, For men and elders (London, 1977), pp. 114, 94.
25. J. dos Santos, ‚Ä˜Eastern Ethiopia‚Ä™, p. 319.
26. Quoted in E. W. Herbert, Red gold of Africa (Madison, 1984), p. 25.
27. Speke, Journal, p. 212.
28. A. C. Hodza and G. Fortune (eds.), Shona praise poetry (Oxford, 1979), p. 384.
29. D. Lewis-Williams and T. Dowson, Images of power: understanding Bushman rock art
(Johannesburg, 1989), p. 36.
30. J. dos Santos, ‚Ä˜Eastern Ethiopia‚Ä™, p. 197.
31. J. Hiernaux, The people of Africa (London, 1974), p. 108; J. Hodgson, The God of the
Xhosa (Cape Town, 1982), p. 8.
32. Van Riebeeck to Governor-General, 29 July 1659, in D. Moodie (ed.), The record (5 parts,
Cape Town, 1838‚Ä“41), part I, p. 186.
33. J. A. Heese, Die herkoms van die Afrikaner 1657‚Ä“1867 (Cape Town, 1971), p. 21.
7. the atlantic slave trade
1. G. R. Crone (ed.), The voyages of Cadamosto (London, 1937), p. 30.
2. Afonso I to Joňúo III, 18 October 1526 and 6 July 1526, in L. Jadin and M. Dicorato (eds.),
Correspondance de Dom Afonso, roi du Congo 1506‚Ä“1543 (Brussels, 1974), pp. 167, 156.
3. D. Eltis, F. D. Lewis, and D. Richardson, ‚Ä˜Slave prices, the African slave trade, and
productivity in the Caribbean, 1674‚Ä“1807‚Ä™, Economic History Review, 58 (2005), 679; S. D.
Behrendt, D. Eltis, and D. Richardson, ‚Ä˜The costs of coercion: African agency in the
pre-modern Atlantic world‚Ä™, Economic History Review, 54 (2001), 474.
4. R. Law, The slave coast of West Africa 1550‚Ä“1750 (Oxford, 1991), p. 183.
5. D. Eltis, The rise of African slavery in the Americas (Cambridge, 2000), p. 95.
6. S. W. Koelle, Polyglotta Africana (London, 1854); P. E. H. Hair, ‚Ä˜The enslavement of
Koelle‚Ä™s informants‚Ä™, JAH, 6 (1965), 193‚Ä“203.
7. F. Moore, Travels into the inland parts of Africa (London, 1738), p. 42.
322 Notes to pages 137‚Ä“76
8. M. Park, Travels of Mungo Park (ed. R. Miller, London, 1954), p. 251.
9. Evidence of W. James, 1789, in E. Donnan (ed.), Documents illustrative of the history of
the slave trade to America (4 vols., Washington, 1930‚Ä“5), vol. II, p. 598.
10. J. Miller, Way of death (London, 1988), p. 440.
11. T. Phillips, 1693‚Ä“4, in Donnan, Documents, vol. I, p. 406.
12. Quoted in W. McGowan, ‚Ä˜African resistance to the Atlantic slave trade in West Africa‚Ä™,
Slavery and Abolition, 11 (1990), 20.
13. Behrendt, Eltis, and Richardson, ‚Ä˜Costs of coercion‚Ä™, pp. 454‚Ä“76; D. Richardson,
‚Ä˜Shipboard revolts, African authority, and the Atlantic slave trade‚Ä™, William and Mary
Quarterly, 3rd series, 58 (2001), 69‚Ä“91.
14. D. Eltis, ‚Ä˜The volume and structure of the transatlantic slave trade: a reassessment‚Ä™,
William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 58 (2001), 43‚Ä“5.
15. P. D. Curtin (ed.), Africa remembered (Madison, 1967), p. 95. For doubt of Equiano‚Ä™s
authenticity, see V. Carretta, ‚Ä˜Olaudah Equiano or Gustavus Vassa?‚Ä™ Slavery and
Abolition, 20, 3 (1999), 96‚Ä“105.
16. P. Manning, Slavery and African life (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 180‚Ä“1, 82, 85, 171.
17. D. Eltis and L. C. Jennings, ‚Ä˜Trade between western Africa and the Atlantic world in the
pre-colonial era‚Ä™, American Historical Review, 93 (1988), 956.
18. Ali Eisami Gazirmabe, in Curtin, Africa remembered, p. 214.
19. T. B. Freeman, Journal of various visits to the kingdoms of Ashanti, Aku, and Dahomi
(2nd edn, London, 1844), p. 164.
20. F. M. Dennis, journal, 17 November 1908, CMS UnofÔ¬Ācial Papers 4/F2.
21. F. A. Ramseyer and J. K¬® hne, Four years in Ashantee (London, 1875), p. 134.
22. E. Isichei, A history of the Igbo people (London, 1976), p. 162.
23. D. Coker, journal, 24 January 1876, CMS CA2/O28/6.
24. G. A. Vincent, journal, 13 August 1884, CMS G3/A2/O/1885/8.
25. D. Boilat, Esquisses s¬īn¬īgalaises (reprinted, Paris, 1984), p. 238.
8. regional diversity in the nineteenth century
1. A. Raymond, Artisans et commer¬łants au Caire au XVIIIe si`cle (2 vols., Damascus,
1973‚Ä“4), vol. I, p. 197.
2. D. Panzac, ‚Ä˜The population of Egypt in the nineteenth century‚Ä™, African and Asian Studies
(Haifa), 21 (1987), 15; L. Valensi, Le Maghreb avant la prise d‚Ä™Alger (Paris, 1969), p. 20;
D. Sari, Le d¬īsastre d¬īmographique (Algiers, 1982), p. 238.
3. Quoted in B. Rosenberger and H. Triki, ‚Ä˜Famines et epid¬ī mies au Maroc aux XVIe et
XVIIe si` cles‚Ä™, Hesperis Tamuda, 15 (1974), 101.
4. D. Johnson, ‚Ä˜The Maghrib‚Ä™, in CHA, vol. V, p. 101.
5. J. Batou, ‚Ä˜L‚Ä™Egypte du Muhammad-Ali: pouvoir politique et d¬ī veloppement e
economique‚Ä™, Annales ESC, 46 (1991), 403.
6. Panzac, ‚Ä˜Population‚Ä™, p. 15.
7. Hifni Bey Nacif, quoted in J. P. Halstead, Rebirth of a nation (Cambridge, Mass., 1967),
8. Quoted in W. Y. Adams, Nubia: corridor to Africa (London, 1977), p. 623.
9. H. F. Palmer, ‚Ä˜An early Fulani conception of Islam‚Ä™, Journal of the African Society, 14
(1914‚Ä“15), 54; M. Hiskett, ‚Ä˜Kitab al-farq: a work on the Habe kingdoms attributed to
Uthman dan Fodio‚Ä™, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 23 (1960), 567.
10. Muhammadu Na Birin Gwari (Ô¬‚. c. 1850), in M. Hiskett, A history of Hausa Islamic verse
(London, 1975), p. 100.
Notes to pages 178‚Ä“210
11. J. Richardson, Narrative of a mission to Central Africa (2 vols., London, 1853), vol. II,
12. Quoted in B. G. Martin, Muslim brotherhoods in nineteenth-century Africa (Cambridge,
1976), p. 90.
13. P. Sanders, Moshoeshoe, Chief of the Sotho (London, 1975), p. 70; A. Eldredge, A South
African kingdom (Cambridge, 1993), p. 63.
14. Anna Steenkamp (1843), quoted in A. du Toit and H. Giliomee, Afrikaner political
thought: volume I (Berkeley, 1983), p. 85.
15. A. Ross, John Philip (Aberdeen, 1986), p. 217.
16. Quoted in E. Elbourne, Blood ground: colonialism, missions, and the contest for Chris-
tianity in the Cape Colony and Britain, 1799‚Ä“1853 (Montreal, 2002), p. 178.
17. A. Hastings, The Church in Africa 1450‚Ä“1950 (Oxford, 1994), p. 220.
18. T. Vernet, ‚Ä˜Le commerce des esclaves sur la cňÜ swahili, 1500‚Ä“1750‚Ä™, Azania, 38 (2003),
19. O. J. M. Kalinga, ‚Ä˜The Balowoka and the establishment of states west of Lake Malawi‚Ä™,
in A. I. Salim (ed.), State formation in eastern Africa (Nairobi, 1984), ch. 2; R. Ross
(ed.), ‚Ä˜The Dutch on the Swahili coast, 1776‚Ä“1778‚Ä™, IJAHS, 19 (1986), 305‚Ä“60, 479‚Ä“506;
L. Wimmelb¬® cker, Kilimanjaro ‚Ä“ a regional history: volume I (M¬® nster, n.d.), pp. 26‚Ä“7.
20. G. Campbell, ‚Ä˜Madagascar and Mozambique in the slave trade of the western Indian
Ocean 1800‚Ä“1861 ‚Ä™, Slavery and Abolition, 9, 3 (December 1988), 185.
21. H. Waller (ed.), The last journals of David Livingstone (2 vols., London, 1874), vol. II,
22. A. Roberts, ‚Ä˜Nyamwezi trade‚Ä™, in R. Gray and D. Birmingham (eds.), Pre-colonial African
trade (London, 1970), p. 73.
23. C. Thibon, ‚Ä˜Croissance et r¬ī gimes d¬ī mographiques anciens‚Ä™, in D¬ī partement d‚Ä™Histoire
e e e
de l‚Ä™Universit¬ī du Burundi, Histoire sociale de l‚Ä™Afrique de l‚Ä™Est (Paris, 1991), pp. 224‚Ä“8.
24. P. Manning, Slavery and African life (Cambridge, 1990), p. 81.
25. Manning, Slavery, p. 171.
9. colonial invasion
1. Quoted in D. Rooney, Sir Charles Arden-Clarke (London, 1982), p. 30.
2. F. Coillard, On the threshold of Central Africa (3rd edn, London, 1971), p. 332.
3. Johnston to Salisbury, 17 March 1900, Foreign OfÔ¬Āce ConÔ¬Ādential Print 7405/75.
4. W. Edwards, quoted in J. J. Taylor, ‚Ä˜The emergence and development of the Native
Department in Southern Rhodesia, 1894‚Ä“1914‚Ä™, Ph.D thesis, University of London, 1974,
5. Quoted in S. Amin and C. Coquery-Vidrovitch, Histoire ¬īconomique du Congo 1880‚Ä“1968
(Paris, 1969), p. 23.
6. Nwaokoye Odenigbo, in E. Isichei (ed.), Igbo worlds (London, 1977), pp. 27‚Ä“8.
7. Quoted in W. B. Cohen, Rulers of empire: the French colonial service in Africa (Stanford,
1971), p. 127.
8. G. S. Mwase, Strike a blow and die (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), p. 32.
9. M. Crowder and O. Ikime (ed.), West African chiefs (New York, 1970), p. 15.
10. Van Vollenhoven, circular, 1917, reprinted in G. Congah and S.-P. Ekanza (eds.), La CňÜte
d‚Ä™Ivoire par les textes (Abidjan, 1978), pp. 127‚Ä“9.
11. Quoted in A. Audibert, ‚Ä˜Le service social en Afrique francophone‚Ä™, Th`se pour le Doctorat
(2 vols., Paris I, no date), vol. I, p. 248.
12. C. Issawi, An economic history of the Middle East and North Africa (London, 1982), p. 105.
324 Notes to pages 211‚Ä“33
13. Sir W. MacGregor, quoted in Church Missionary Intelligencer, new series, 27 (1902), 276.
14. Quoted in R. Anstey, King Leopold‚Ä™s legacy (London, 1966), p. 6.
15. KoÔ¬Ā Sraha and others to Chief Commissioner of Ashanti, 11 October 1930, in K. Arhin,
‚Ä˜Some Asante views of colonial rule‚Ä™, Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, 15,
1 (June 1974), 78.
16. Coillard, Threshold, p. 627.
17. J. Davis, Libyan politics (London, 1987), p. 2.
18. H. Stoecker (ed.), German imperialism in Africa (trans. B. Z¬® llner, London, 1986), p. 62.
19. A. T. and G. M. Culwick, ‚Ä˜A study of population in Ulanga, Tanganyika Territory‚Ä™,
Sociological Review, 30 (1938), 375.
20. J. M. Schoffeleers, River of blood (Madison, 1992), p. 98.
21. Medizinal-Berichte uber die deutschen Schutzgebiete 1905‚Ä“6 (Berlin, 1907), p. 63; A.
Kinghorn, ‚Ä˜Human trypanosomiasis in the Luangwa Valley, Northern Rhodesia‚Ä™, Annals
of Tropical Medicine and Parasitology, 19 (1925), 283.
22. R. Headrick, Colonialism, health and illness in French Equatorial Africa, 1885‚Ä“1935
(Atlanta, 1994), pp. 34‚Ä“5, 41 ‚Ä“3, 69‚Ä“71.
23. P. de Raadt, ‚Ä˜Historique de la maladie du sommeil‚Ä™, M¬īdecine Tropicale, 64 (2004), 116.
24. See B. Fetter (ed.), Demography from scanty evidence (Boulder, 1990), chs. 19‚Ä“20.
25. P. Fargues, ‚Ä˜Un si` cle de transition d¬ī mographique en Afrique m¬ī diterran¬ī enne 1885‚Ä“
e e e e
1985‚Ä™, Population, 41 (1986), 211 ; D. Noin, La population rurale du Maroc (2 vols., Paris,
1970), vol. II, p. 96.
26. C. Simkins and E. van Heyningen, ‚Ä˜Fertility, mortality, and migration in the Cape
Colony, 1891 ‚Ä“1904‚Ä™, IJAHS, 22 (1989), 110.
27. Fetter, Demography, ch. 5.
10. colonial change
1. J. F. A. Ajayi, ‚Ä˜The continuity of African institutions under colonialism‚Ä™, in T. O. Ranger
(ed.), Emerging themes of African history (Nairobi, 1968), p. 194; J. Vansina, Paths in the
rainforests (London, 1990), chs. 8‚Ä“9.
2. Nigerian Pioneer, 4 February 1927.
3. J. Gallais, Pasteurs et paysans du Gourma (Paris, 1975), p. 180.
4. W. Rodney, How Europe underdeveloped Africa (London, 1972), p. 239.
5. Quoted in D. Brokensha, Social change at Larteh, Ghana (Oxford, 1966), pp. 16‚Ä“17.
6. Quoted in P. Mosley, The settler economies (Cambridge, 1983), p. 100.
7. Quoted in H. Watson, Women in the City of the Dead (London, 1992), p. 109.
8. ‚Ä˜Circonscription de Dakar: rapport d‚Ä™ensemble annuel‚Ä™, 1932: Archives Nationales
(Section Outre-Mer), Minist` re des Colonies (Paris), Affaires politiques 579/1.
9. E. Kootz-Kretschmer (ed.), Ways I have trodden: the experiences of a teacher [Msaturwa
Mwachitete] in Tanganyika (trans. M. Bryan, London, 1932), p. 30.
10. Quoted by G. Ruhumbika in A. Kitereza, Mr Myombekere and his wife Bugonoka, their
son Ntulanalwo and daughter Bulihwali (trans. G. Ruhumbika, Dar es Salaam, 2002),
11. Tugwell to Baylis, 20 August 1898, CMS G3/A2/O/1898/146.
12. Quoted in A. S. O. Okwu, ‚Ä˜The mission of the Irish Holy Ghost Fathers among the Igbo‚Ä™,
Ph.D thesis, Columbia University, 1977, p. 148.
13. B. Adebiyi, The beloved bishop: the life of Bishop A. B. Akinyele (Ibadan, 1969), p. 76.
14. D. B. Barrett, ‚Ä˜a.d. 2000: 350 million Christians in Africa‚Ä™, International Review of
Mission, 59 (1970), 47.
Notes to pages 234‚Ä“51
15. Manuscript translation by J. A. Rowe of Ham Mukasa, Simuda nyuma: ebiro bya Mutesa
(London, 1938), pp. 7‚Ä“8.
16. Nicholas Mugongo, ‚Ä˜Les m¬ī moires d‚Ä™un cat¬ī chiste noir‚Ä™, manuscript, n.d., Kipalapala
Pastoral Centre, Tanzania.
17. Quoted in G. M. Haliburton, The prophet Harris (London, 1971), p. 54.
18. I. Linden, Catholics, peasants, and Chewa resistance in Nyasaland 1889‚Ä“1939 (London,
1974), p. 205.
19. Bukoba Bahaya Union petition, 13 July 1924, in R. A. Austen, Northwest Tanzania under
German and British rule (New Haven, 1968), p. 165.
20. J. M. Lonsdale in CHA, vol. VI, p. 758.
21. S¬ī ry Kor¬ī (1959), quoted in A. R. Zolberg, One-party government in the Ivory Coast
(Princeton, 1964), p. 64.
22. Keable ‚Ä™Mote, in Ikwezi le Afrika, 18 April 1931, reprinted in R. Edgar (ed.), Prophets with
honour: a documentary history of Lekhotla la Bafo (Johannesburg, n.d.), pp. 169‚Ä“70.
23. West African Pilot, 21 July 1938, quoted in J. S. Coleman, Nigeria: background to nation-
alism (Berkeley, 1963), p. 222.
24. Nigerian Youth Movement, Youth charter and rules (Lagos ), Colonial OfÔ¬Āce
583/234/15/1 /enclosure, The National Archive (London).
25. Quoted in A. G. Hopkins, ‚Ä˜Economic aspects of political movements in Nigeria and in
the Gold Coast 1918‚Ä“1939‚Ä™, JAH, 7 (1966), p. 151 n99.
26. Report of the Colonial OfÔ¬Āce Agenda Committee, 22 May 1947, in R. Hyam (ed.), The
Labour Government and the end of empire, 1945‚Ä“1951 (4 vols., London, 1992), vol. I,
27. Gordon Walker, Cabinet memorandum, 16 April 1951, in Hyam, Labour Government,
vol. IV, p. 311.
28. E. P. Renne, Population and progress in a Yoruba town (Edinburgh, 2003), p. 75.
29. D. Eltis, ‚Ä˜Nutritional trends in Africa and the Americas‚Ä™, Journal of Interdisciplinary
History, 12 (1981 ‚Ä“2), 460‚Ä“8.
30. R. Headrick, ‚Ä˜Studying the population of French Equatorial Africa‚Ä™, in B. Fetter (ed.),
Demography from scanty evidence (Boulder, 1990), p. 282.
31. P. Fargues, ‚Ä˜Un si` cle de transition d¬ī mographique en Afrique m¬ī diterran¬ī enne 1885‚Ä“
e e e e
1985‚Ä™, Population, 41 (1986), 210.
32. L. de St Moulin, ‚Ä˜What is known of the demographic history of Zaire since 1885?‚Ä™ in
Fetter, Demography, p. 318.
33. A. W. Cardinall, The Gold Coast, 1931 (2 vols., Accra, 1931), vol. I, p. 219.
34. Fargues, ‚Ä˜Un si` cle‚Ä™, p. 211 ; D. Noin, La population rurale du Maroc (2 vols., Paris, 1970),
vol II, pp. 114‚Ä“15; C. Thibon, ‚Ä˜F¬ī condit¬ī ‚Äúnaturelle‚ÄĚ et f¬ī condit¬ī control¬ī e‚Ä™, Annales de
e e e e
d¬īmographie historique (1988), p. 185.
35. Unpublished research by Dr. S. D. Doyle may qualify this statement.
36. J. C. Caldwell, in UNESCO history, vol. VII, pp. 483, 486.
37. Creech Jones, Opening address to Cambridge Conference, 19 August 1948, in Hyam,
Labour Government, vol. I, p. 167.
11. independent africa, 1950‚Ä“1980
1. L. de St Moulin, ‚Ä˜What is known of the demographic history of Zaire since 1885?‚Ä™ in
B. Fetter (ed.), Demography from scanty evidence (Boulder, 1990), pp. 307, 315, 318; WDR
(1990), p. 159; B. Colas, ‚Ä˜Des contrastes spatiaux aux in¬ī galit¬ī s territoriales‚Ä™, in F. Grignon
and G. Prunier (eds.), Le Kenya contemporain (Paris, 1998), p. 20.
326 Notes to pages 251‚Ä“84
2. WDR (1990), p. 179.
3. WDR (1990), p. 231.
4. J. C. Caldwell, ‚Ä˜Education as a factor in mortality decline‚Ä™, Population Studies, 33 (1979),
5. WDR (1993), p. 82; de St Moulin, in Fetter, Demography, p. 318; W. C. Robinson, ‚Ä˜Kenya
enters the fertility transition‚Ä™, Population Studies, 46 (1992), 447.
6. Quoted in D. Rooney, Kwame Nkrumah (London, 1988), p. 215.
7. I. Macleod, ‚Ä˜Trouble in Africa‚Ä™, The Spectator, 31 January 1964.
8. Arden-Clarke to Cohen, 12 May 1951, in R. Rathbone (ed.), Ghana (2 vols., London,
1992), vol. I, p. 324.
9. J. K. Nyerere, Freedom and unity (Dar es Salaam, 1966), p. 1.
10. Arden-Clarke to Cohen, 12 May 1951, in Rathbone, Ghana, vol. I, p. 323.
11. WDR (1992), pp. 220‚Ä“1, 268‚Ä“9.
12. Quoted in T. Killick, Development economics in action (London, 1978), p. 44.
13. P. Collier, ‚Ä˜Oil and inequality in rural Nigeria‚Ä™, in D. Ghai and S. Radwan (eds.), Agrarian
policies and rural poverty in Africa (Geneva, 1983), p. 207.
14. WDR (1993), pp. 240, 288.
15. WDR (1992), p. 218.
16. R. Lawless and A. Findlay (eds.), North Africa (London, 1984), p. 163; WDR (1993), p. 241.
17. J.-P. Platteau, ‚Ä˜The food, crisis in Africa‚Ä™, in J. Dr` ze and A. Sen (eds.), The political
economy of hunger (3 vols., Oxford, 1990‚Ä“1), vol. II, p. 281.
18. W. I. Jones, Planning and economic policy (Washington, 1976), p. 403.
19. J. C. McCann, Maize and grace: Africa‚Ä™s encounter with a New World crop, 1500‚Ä“2000
(Cambridge, Mass., 2005), ch. 7.
20. D. C. Bach, ‚Ä˜Managing a plural society: the boomerang effect of Nigerian federalism‚Ä™,
Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, 27 (1989), 220.
21. Macpherson to Lloyd, 16 March 1953, in D. Goldsworthy (ed.), The Conservative
Government and the end of empire 1951‚Ä“1957 (3 vols., London, 1994), vol. II, p. 192.
22. M. G. Schatzberg, The dialectics of oppression in Zaire (Bloomington, 1988), p. 108.
23. Quoted by C. Young, ‚Ä˜The northern republics, 1960‚Ä“1980‚Ä™, in D. Birmingham and P. M.
Martin (eds.), History of Central Africa (3 vols., London, 1983‚Ä“8), vol. II, p. 302.
24. Schatzberg, Dialectics, p. 25.
12. industrialisation and race in south africa, 1886‚Ä“1994
1. D. Yudelman, The emergence of modern South Africa (Westport, Conn., 1983), p. 258.
2. W. F. Butler, quoted in D. Cammack, ‚Ä˜ ‚ÄúThe Johannesburg Republic‚ÄĚ ‚Ä™, South African
Historical Journal, 18 (1986), 48.
3. W. K. Hancock, Smuts (2 vols., Cambridge, 1962‚Ä“8), vol. I, p. 159.
4. P. Walshe, The rise of African nationalism in South Africa (London, 1970), p. 390.
5. W. Beinart and C. Bundy, Hidden struggles in rural South Africa (London, 1987), p. 314.
6. Surplus People Project, Forced removals in South Africa (Cape Town: vol. I, second
impression, 1985; vols. II‚Ä“V, 1983), vol. I, pp. xxiv‚Ä“xxv, and vol. III, p. 161.
7. J. C. and P. Caldwell, ‚Ä˜The South African fertility decline‚Ä™, Population and Development
Review, 19 (1993), 230‚Ä“1, 244.
8. Caldwell and Caldwell, ‚Ä˜Fertility decline‚Ä™, p. 227.
9. H. Giliomee and L. Schlemmer, From apartheid to nation-building (Cape Town, 1989),
10. Commonwealth Secretariat, Beyond apartheid (London, 1991), p. 11.
Notes to pages 284‚Ä“301
11. S. B. Greenberg, Legitimating the illegitimate (Berkeley, 1987), p. 88.
12. South Africa, Report of the Commission of Inquiry into Legislation Affecting the Utilisation
of Manpower (Pretoria, 1979), p. 81 ; Commonwealth Secretariat, Beyond apartheid, p. 26.
13. B. Hirson, Year of Ô¬Āre, year of ash (London, 1979), p. 250.
14. Quoted in W. de Klerk, F. W. de Klerk (Johannesburg, 1991), p. 27.
15. Quoted in H. Adam and K. Moodley, The opening of the apartheid mind (Berkeley, 1993),
13. in the time of aids
1. WDR (1990), p. 180; (2003), p. 238; (2006), p. 296.
2. P. Collier and R. Reinikka, ‚Ä˜Reconstruction and liberalization: an overview‚Ä™, in
R. Reinikka and P. Collier (eds.), Uganda‚Ä™s recovery (Washington, 2001), pp. 20, 38‚Ä“
9, 43; WDR (2006), p. 297.
3. C. H. Feinstein, An economic history of South Africa (Cambridge, 2005), p. 7.
4. New Vision (Kampala), 22 November 1999.
5. J. S. Saul, ‚Ä˜Cry for the beloved country: the post-apartheid denouement‚Ä™, Review of
African Political Economy, 89 (2001), 448; P. Jordan, ‚Ä˜The African National Congress:
from illegality to the corridors of power‚Ä™, Review of African Political Economy, 100 (2004),
6. C. Stoneman, ‚Ä˜Zimbabwe: a good example defused‚Ä™, Indicator SA, 15, 2 (1998), 80; WDR
(2006), p. 297.
7. N. van de Walle, African economies and the politics of permanent crisis, 1979‚Ä“1999
(Cambridge, 2001), p. 67.
8. WDR (1997), p. 14.
9. Quoted in A. Fraser, ‚Ä˜Poverty reduction strategy papers: now who calls the shots?‚Ä™ Review
of African Political Economy, 104 (2005), 327.
10. WDR (1990), p. 181 ; (2003), p. 239; (2006), pp. 293, 297.
11. World Bank, Education in sub-Saharan Africa (Washington, 1988), p. 1.
12. N. Bonini, ‚Ä˜Un si` cle d‚Ä™¬ī ducation scolaire en Tanzanie‚Ä™, Cahiers d‚Ä™Etudes Africaines, 43
13. WDR (1998‚Ä“9), p. 193; (2006), p. 293.
14. J. Ferguson, Expectations of modernity: myths and meanings of urban life on the Zambian
Copperbelt (Berkeley, 1999), p. 12.
15. R. Oliver, The African experience (London, 1991), p. 257.
16. B. Atuhaire, The Uganda cult tragedy: a private investigation (London, 2003), p. 30.
17. EastAfrican (Nairobi), 9 August 1999.
18. P. W. Geissler, ‚Ä˜‚ÄúAre we still together here?‚ÄĚ Negotiations about relatedness and time in
the everyday life of a modern Kenyan village‚Ä™, Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge,
2003, p. 249.
19. Nigeria, Report of Tribunal of Inquiry on Kano Disturbances (Lagos, 1981), p. 41.
20. M. Bratton and N. van de Walle, Democratic experiments in Africa: regime transitions in
comparative perspective (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 7‚Ä“8, 204.
21. Bratton and van de Walle, Democratic experiments, p. 217.
22. WDR (1997), p. 150.
23. J.-F. Bayart, S. Ellis, and B. Hibou, The criminalisation of the state in Africa (trans.
S. Ellis, Oxford, 1999), p. 4.
24. N. van de Walle, ‚Ä˜Presidentialism and clientelism in Africa‚Ä™s emerging party systems‚Ä™,
Journal of Modern African Studies, 41 (2003), 299.
328 Notes to pages 309‚Ä“14
25. WDR (2006), p. 293.
26. P. Fargues, ‚Ä˜Un si` cle de transition d¬ī mographique en Afrique m¬ī diterran¬ī enne
e e e e
1885‚Ä“1985‚Ä™, Population, 41 (1986), 210; World Bank, Population growth and policies in
sub-Saharan Africa (Washington, 1986), p. 3; M. Garenne and V. Joseph, ‚Ä˜The timing of
the fertility transition in sub-Saharan Africa‚Ä™, World Development, 30 (2002), 1840.
27. WDR (1993), p. 82; J. C. Caldwell, I. O. Orubuloye, and P. Caldwell, ‚Ä˜Fertility decline in
Africa‚Ä™, Population and Development Review, 18 (1992), 211.
28. Ali Kouaouci, ‚Ä˜Tendances et facteurs de la natalit¬ī alg¬ī rienne entre 1970 et 1986‚Ä™, Popula-
tion, 47 (1992), 335, 344‚Ä“5; P. Fargues, ‚Ä˜The decline of Arab fertility‚Ä™, Population: English
Selection, 1 (1989), 162; A. Richards and J. Waterbury, A political economy of the Middle
East (2nd edn, Boulder, 1996), pp. 78‚Ä“89.
29. Garenne and Joseph, ‚Ä˜Timing‚Ä™, pp. 1835, 1841 ; R. Cassen and others, Population and
development: old debates, new conclusions (New Brunswick, 1994), pp. ix, 3.
30. WDR (1993), pp. 102, 290‚Ä“1.
31. Caldwell and others, ‚Ä˜Fertility decline‚Ä™, pp. 212‚Ä“13, 217, 229; W. C. Robinson, ‚Ä˜Kenya
enters the fertility transition‚Ä™, Population Studies, 46 (1992), 446‚Ä“7, 456‚Ä“7.
32. Cape Times (Cape Town), 22 September 2005.
33. Inter Press Service (Johannesburg), 24 February 2005, http://allafrica.com/stories
(accessed 25 February 2005); Fast Facts (Braamfontein), February 2006, p. 13.
34. Bosenge N‚Ä™Galy and R. W. Ryder, ‚Ä˜Epidemiology of HIV infection in Africa‚Ä™, Journal of
AIDS, 1 (1988), 554.
35. R. Stoneburner, M. Carballo, and others, ‚Ä˜Simulation of HIV incidence dynamics in the
Rakai population-based cohort, Uganda‚Ä™, AIDS, 12 (1998), 227.
36. UNAIDS, ‚Ä˜AIDS in Africa: three scenarios to 2025‚Ä™ (2005), p. 28, http://www.unaids.org/
unaids resources/HomePage/images (accessed 7 March 2005).
37. UNAIDS, ‚Ä˜AIDS epidemic update, December 2005‚Ä™, p. 4, http://www.unaids.org.epi2005/
doc/EPIupdate2005 pdf en/epi-update2005 (accessed 21 November 2005).
38. UNAIDS, ‚Ä˜AIDS epidemic update, December 2006‚Ä™, p. 17, http://www.unaids.org/
pub/EpiReport/2006/2006 EpiUpdate en.pdf (accessed 1 December 2006).
39. S. Gregson, G. P. Garnett, and others, ‚Ä˜HIV decline associated with behavior change in
eastern Zimbabwe‚Ä™, Science, 311 (2006), 664‚Ä“6.
40. World Health Organisation, ‚Ä˜Progress on global access to HIV antiretroviral therapy:
a report on ‚Äú3 by 5‚ÄĚ and beyond‚Ä™, March 2006, pp. 71 ‚Ä“6, http://www.who.int/hiv/
fullreport en highres.pdf (accessed 5 April 2006).
There are two authoritative, multivolume general histories of Africa, both with excellent
bibliographies: R. Oliver and J. D. Fage (eds.), The Cambridge history of Africa (8 vols.,
Cambridge, 1975‚Ä“86), and J. Ki-Zerbo and others (eds.), UNESCO general history of Africa
(8 vols., London, 1981 ‚Ä“93). The latter is also available in an abridged edition. See also T. Falola
(ed.), Africa (5 vols., Durham, 2003). One-volume general histories include R. Oliver, The
African experience (London, 1991); P. D. Curtin, S. Feierman, L. Thompson, and J. Vansina,
African history (London, 1978); and R. A. Austen, African economic history (London, 1987).
J. F. A. Ajayi and M. Crowder (eds.), Historical atlas of Africa (Cambridge, 1985), is magniÔ¬Ā-
cent, although J. D. Fage, An atlas of African history (2d edn, London, 1978), is handier.
Good regional histories are J. Abun-Nasr, A history of the Maghrib (Cambridge, 1971);
J. F. A. Ajayi and M. Crowder (eds.), History of West Africa (Harlow, vol. I, 3rd edn, 1985;
vol. II, 2d edn, 1987); D. Birmingham and P. M. Martin (eds.), History of Central Africa
(3 vols., London, 1983‚Ä“98); and R. Oliver and others (eds.), History of East Africa (3 vols.,
London, 1963‚Ä“76). E. K. Akyeampong (ed.), Themes in West Africa‚Ä™s history (Athens, Ohio,
2006), contains wide-ranging introductory essays. I. Ndaywel e Nziem, Histoire g¬īn¬īrale du
Congo (Brussels, 1998), is an unusually comprehensive national history.
General accounts of religious and cultural issues include N. Levtzion and R. L. Pouwels
(eds.), The history of Islam in Africa (Athens, Ohio, 2000); A. Hastings, The Church in
Africa 1450‚Ä“1950 (Oxford, 1994); J. Iliffe, Honour in African history (Cambridge, 2005); and
J. Vansina, Art history in Africa: an introduction to method (London, 1984).
chapters 2 and 3
D. W. Phillipson, African archaeology (3rd edn, Cambridge, 2005), is a splendid introduction.
See also P. Mitchell, The archaeology of southern Africa (Cambridge, 2002). For human
evolution, see R. G. Klein, The human career (2d edn, Chicago, 1999).
W. H. McNeill, Plagues and peoples (Harmondsworth, 1976), is an illuminating introduc-
tion to the history of disease. See also K. F. Kiple (ed.), The Cambridge world history of human
disease (Cambridge, 1993). J. Diamond, Guns, germs and steel (London, 1998), is a broad,
comparative history of environment and culture. Race is discussed in J. Hiernaux, The people
of Africa (London, 1974). J. H. Greenberg, The languages of Africa (3rd edn, Bloomington,
1970), provides the fundamental classiÔ¬Ācation. C. Ehret, The civilizations of Africa: a history
to 1800 (Oxford, 2002), relies heavily on linguistic evidence. The standard work on oral
sources is J. Vansina, Oral tradition as history (London, 1985).
Recent work on the origins of food production and many other issues is summarised
in A. B. Stahl, African archaeology: a critical introduction (Malden, Mass., 2005); T. Shaw,
P. Sinclair, B. Andah, and A. Okpoko (eds.), The archaeology of Africa: food, metals and towns
330 Further reading
(London, 1993); and B. E. Barich, People, water and grain: the beginnings of domestication
in the Sahara and the Nile Valley (Rome, 1998). Saharan rock-paintings are illustrated and
discussed in F. Mori, The great civilisations of the ancient Sahara (trans. B. D. Philips, Rome,
1998). For Bantu origins, see J. Vansina, Paths in the rainforests (London, 1990), and C. Ehret,
‚Ä˜Bantu expansions: re-envisioning a central problem of early African history‚Ä™, IJAHS, 34
(2001), 5‚Ä“41 (and the attached comments).
Ancient Egypt is best approached through the chapters in volume I of The Cambridge
history of Africa. These are reprinted, with an additional chapter on the period 664‚Ä“323
bc, as B. G. Trigger, B. J. Kemp, D. O‚Ä™Connor, and A. B. Lloyd, Ancient Egypt: a social
history (Cambridge, 1983). B. J. Kemp, Ancient Egypt: anatomy of a civilization (London,
1989), and I. Shaw (ed.), The Oxford history of Ancient Egypt (new edn, Oxford, 2003), survey
much recent research. J. Cern¬ī , A community of workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside period
(Cairo, 1973), describes Deir el-Medina. For family structure, see A. Forgeau‚Ä™s chapter in
A. Burgui` re and others (eds.), Histoire de la famille: I (Paris, 1986). J. Baines discusses literacy
in J. Gledhill, B. Bender, and M. T. Larsen (eds.), State and society (London, 1988). J. Assman,
The mind of Egypt (Eng. trans., Cambridge, Mass., 2004), is a magniÔ¬Ācent intellectual and
religious history. See also W. S. Smith, The art and architecture of Ancient Egypt (2d edn,
Harmondsworth, 1981). Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt are best treated in A. K. Bowman,
Egypt after the Pharaohs, 332 bc‚Ä“ad 642 (London, 1986), and N. Lewis, Life in Egypt under
Roman rule (Oxford, 1983).
Standard works on Nubia, Kerma, and Meroe are W. Y. Adams, Nubia: corridor to Africa
(London, 1977); D. N. Edwards, The Nubian past (London, 2004); and C. Bonnet and others,
Kerma, royaume de Nubie (Geneva, 1990). For North Africa in Carthaginian and Roman
times, see the numerous volumes of The Cambridge ancient history; P. D. A. Garnsey and
C. R. Whittaker (eds.), Imperialism in the Ancient World (Cambridge, 1978); D. Harden,
The Phoenicians (revised edn, London, 1963); S. Raven, Rome in Africa (3rd edn, London,
1993); M. B¬ī nabou, La r¬īsistance africaine a la romanisation (Paris, 1976); and M. Brett and
e e `
E. Fentress, The Berbers (Oxford, 1996).
Good introductions to copper and iron are E. W. Herbert, Red gold of Africa: copper in
precolonial history and culture (Madison, 1984) and Iron, gender and power (Bloomington,
1993). D. Killick, ‚Ä˜What do we know about African iron working?‚Ä™ Journal of African Archae-
ology, 2 (2004), 97‚Ä“112, is an up-to-date survey. T. Shaw, Nigeria: its archaeology and early
history (London, 1978), discusses the Nok culture. For Bantu settlement in the Great Lakes
region, see D. L. Schoenbrun, A green place, a good place: agrarian change, gender, and social
identity in the Great Lakes region to the 15th century (Portsmouth, N. H., 1998).
R. L. Fox, Pagans and Christians (Harmondsworth, 1986), provides an overview. Fundamental
works for North Africa are W. H. C. Frend, The Donatist Church (2d edn, Oxford, 1971)
and The rise of the Monophysite movement (Cambridge, 1972), and P. Brown, Augustine
of Hippo (London, 1967) and Religion and society in the age of Saint Augustine (London,
1972). D. W. Phillipson, Ancient Ethiopia: Aksum, its antecedents and successors (London,
1998), summarises recent research, as does D. A. Welsby, The medieval kingdoms of Nubia
(London, 2002). The beautiful murals at Faras are reproduced in K. Michalowski, Faras: die
Kathedrale aus dem W¬® stensand (Einsiedeln, 1967).
C. F. Petry (ed.), The Cambridge history of Egypt: volume I: Islamic Egypt, 640‚Ä“1517
(Cambridge, 1998), is especially valuable as a guide to recent literature. A. J. Butler, The
Arab conquest of Egypt (2d edn, Oxford, 1978), is still the best account. A. Laroui, The history
of the Maghrib (Princeton, 1970), sets Islam there in context. E. Savage, A gateway to hell,
a gateway to paradise: the North African response to the Arab conquest (Princeton, 1997), is
an important account of Berber Kharijism. S. D. Goitein, A Mediterranean society (6 vols.,
Berkeley, 1967‚Ä“94), analyses Fatimid Egypt from the Geniza papers. M. W. Dols, The Black
Death in the Middle East (Princeton, 1977), describes the plague and its demographic effects,
while J. L. Abu-Lughod, Before European hegemony: the world system ad 1250‚Ä“1350 (New
York, 1989), analyses the global context of Islamic decline. For European trade and inter-
vention, see D. AbulaÔ¬Āa‚Ä™s chapter in The Cambridge economic history of Europe: volume II
(2d edn, eds. M. M. Postan and E. Miller, Cambridge, 1987). Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah:
an introduction to history (ed. N. J. Dawood, London, 1967), is still fascinating.
The major recent research in pre-Islamic West Africa is described in R. J. McIntosh, The
peoples of the Middle Niger (Malden, Mass., 1998). J. Devisse (ed.), Vall¬īes du Niger (Paris,
1999), is a magniÔ¬Ācent exhibition catalogue. See also G. Connah, Three thousand years in
Africa: man and his environment in the Lake Chad region of Nigeria (Cambridge, 1981).
T. Shaw, Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu (Ibadan, 1977), recounts and illustrates a classic excavation.
The best starting-point for the trans-Saharan trade is N. Levtzion and J. F. P. Hopkins
(eds.), Corpus of early Arabic sources for West African history (Cambridge, 1981). P. D. Curtin
describes the gold trade in J. F. Richards (ed.), Precious metals in the later medieval and early
modern worlds (Durham, N. C., 1983). N. Levtzion, Ancient Ghana and Mali (London, 1973),
is still the best account, although somewhat overtaken by recent research.
G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville (ed.), The East African coast: select documents (Oxford, 1962),
contains the written sources. The major excavation reports are N. H. Chittick, Kilwa (2 vols.,
Nairobi, 1974) and Manda (Nairobi, 1984), and M. Horton, Shanga (London, 1996). D. Nurse
and T. Spear, The Swahili (Philadelphia, 1985), is an important study from linguistic sources,
and F. Chami, The Tanzanian coast in the Ô¬Ārst millennium ad (Uppsala, 1994), is important
Taddesse Tamrat, Church and state in Ethiopia 1270‚Ä“1527 (Oxford, 1972), is outstanding,
as is his chapter in volume III of The Cambridge history of Africa. S. Kaplan, The monastic holy
man and the Christianisation of early Solomonic Ethiopia (Wiesbaden, 1984), is also excellent.
D. Crummey, Land and society in the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia from the thirteenth
to the twentieth century (Oxford, 2000), is a remarkable piece of documentary research
into the nature of Ethiopian feudalism. These works introduce Ethiopia‚Ä™s rich original
sources, such as E. A. Wallis Budge (ed.), The life of Takla Haymanot (2 vols., London, 1906);
G. W. B. Huntingford (ed.), The glorious victories of Amda Seyon (Oxford, 1965); R. P. K.
Pankhurst (ed.), The Ethiopian royal chronicles (Addis Ababa, 1967); and C. F. Beckingham
and G. W. B. Huntingford (eds.), The Prester John of the Indies (2 vols., Cambridge, 1961).
R. Pankhurst, The history of famine and epidemics in Ethiopia (Addis Ababa, n. d.), is a
useful brief account. Ethiopian culture is analysed in D. N. Levine, Wax and gold (Chicago,
A. G. Hopkins, An economic history of West Africa (London, 1973), is a particularly good
introduction. The key book on underpopulation is G. Sautter, De l‚Ä™Atlantique au Ô¬‚euve
Congo (2 vols., Paris, 1966). See also I. Kopytoff (ed.), The African frontier (Bloomington,
1987), and E. Croll and D. Parkin (eds.), Bush base: forest farm: culture, environment and
development (London, 1992). Desiccation is analysed in J. L. A. Webb, Jr., Desert frontier:
ecological and economic change along the western Sahel, 1600‚Ä“1850 (Madison, 1995). For
savanna agriculture, see P. P¬ī lissier, Les paysans du S¬īn¬īgal (Saint-Yrieix, 1966). For the
332 Further reading
forest, see P. J. Darling‚Ä™s account of Benin in J. Gledhill, B. Bender, and M. T. Larsen (eds.),
State and society (London, 1988), and especially the superb history of equatorial Africa by J.
Vansina, Paths in the rainforests (London, 1990).
S. K. McIntosh (ed.), Beyond chiefdoms: pathways to complexity in Africa (Cambridge,
1999), surveys recent thinking on political development. Standard works on savanna poli-
ties are N. Levtzion, Ancient Ghana and Mali (London, 1973); J. Boul` gue, Le Grand Jolof
(Blois, 1987); and Y. B. Usman, The transformation of Katsina (Zaria, 1981). Primary sources
include D. T. Niane, Sundiata: an epic of old Mali (London, 1965); J. W. Johnson, T. A.
Hale, and S. Belcher (eds.), Oral epics from Africa (Bloomington, 1997); D. Lange (ed.), A
Sudanic chronicle: the Borno expeditions of Idris Alauma (Stuttgart, 1987); J. O. Hunwick,
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire (Leiden, 1999); and the Kano Chronicle in part III of
H. R. Palmer, Sudanese memoirs (reprinted, London, 1967). R. A. Austen (ed.), In search
of Sunjata (Bloomington, 1999), is an important discussion of epic literature. For military
innovation, see R. Law, The horse in West African history (Oxford, 1980). The extensive liter-
ature on slavery includes S. Miers and I. Kopytoff (eds.), Slavery in Africa (Madison, 1977);
C. Meillassoux, The anthropology of slavery (London, 1991); and C. C. Robertson and M. A.
Klein (eds.), Women and slavery in Africa (Madison, 1983).
The best-known early West African forest state is described in G. Connah, The archaeology
of Benin (Oxford, 1975), and J. Egharevba, A short history of Benin (3rd edn, Ibadan, 1960).
For sculpture, see F. Willett, African art (reprinted, London, 1977) and Ife in the history of
West African sculpture (London, 1967), and P. Ben-Amos, The art of Benin (London, 1980).
Major works on equatorial polities are J. Vansina, How societies are born: governance in West
Central Africa before 1600 (Charlottesville, 2004) and The children of Woot: a history of the
Kuba peoples (Madison, 1978); J. K. Thornton, The kingdom of Kongo (Madison, 1983); and
A. Hilton, The kingdom of Kongo (Oxford, 1985).
P. D. Curtin, Cross-cultural trade in world history (Cambridge, 1984), sets West African
patterns in context. P. E. Lovejoy discusses them in Caravans of kola (Zaria, 1960) and Salt of
the desert sun (Cambridge, 1986). See also M. Adamu, The Hausa factor in West African history
(Zaria, 1978), and (for cowrie currency) J. Hogendorn and M. Johnson, The shell money of the
slave trade (Cambridge, 1986). For crafts, see R. Bolland, Tellem textiles (Amsterdam, 1991),
and P. R. McNaughton, The Mande blacksmiths (Bloomington, 1988). L. Prussin, Hatumere:
Islamic design in West Africa (Berkeley, 1986), is valuable on architecture.
Material for religious and intellectual history can be found in J. Goody, The myth of the
Bagre (Oxford, 1972); J. Rouch, La religion et la magie songhay (Paris, 1960); and W. Bascom,
Ifa divination (Bloomington, 1969). For Islam, see M. Hiskett, The development of Islam in
West Africa (London, 1984). J. R. Goody‚Ä™s work on literacy, beginning with The domestication
of the savage mind (Cambridge, 1977), is fundamental and controversial, as is his study of
family structure and economy, Production and reproduction (Cambridge, 1976).
M. Hall, The changing past: farmers, kings and traders in southern Africa, 200‚Ä“1860 (Cape
Town, 1987), is a convenient introduction to Iron Age archaeology. P. S. Garlake, Great
Zimbabwe (London 1973), is the most accessible account, and T. N. Huffman, Snakes and
crocodiles: power and symbolism in ancient Zimbabwe (Johannesburg, 1996), is the most
controversial. See also D. N. Beach, The Shona and Zimbabwe 900‚Ä“1850 (London, 1980), and
S. I. G. Mudenge, A political history of Munhumutapa c. 1400‚Ä“1902 (London, 1988). A. D.
Roberts, A history of Zambia (London, 1976), is exceptionally lucid. For Mozambique, see
M. D. D. Newitt, A history of Mozambique (London, 1995).
The most recent account of Sanga is P. de Maret, Fouilles arch¬īologiques dans la vall¬īe
du Haut-Lualaba (Tervuren, 1985). T. Q. Reefe, The rainbow and the kings: a history of the
Luba Empire to 1891 (Berkeley, 1981), describes the later history of the region and M. N.
Roberts and A. F. Roberts, Memory: Luba art and the making of history (New York, 1996),
is a beautifully illustrated introduction to its culture. See also A. D. Roberts, A history of
the Bemba (London, 1973), and M. Mainga, Bulozi under the Luyana kings (London, 1973).
A. C. P. Gamitto, King Kazembe (trans. I. Cunnison, 2 vols., Lisbon, 1960), is a magniÔ¬Ācent
early nineteenth-century travelogue.
The best introduction to East Africa in the iron age is J.-P. Chr¬ī tien, The Great Lakes of
Africa (New York, 2003). J. Vansina, Antecedents to modern Rwanda: the Nyiginya kingdom
(Oxford, 2004), is a work of exceptional importance. Other monographs include J. W.
Nyakatura, Anatomy of an African kingdom: a history of Bunyoro-Kitara (Garden City, N. Y.,
1973); S. R. Karugire, A history of the kingdom of Nkore (Oxford, 1971); M. S. M. Kiwanuka, A
history of Buganda (London, 1971); D. W. Cohen, The historical tradition of Busoga (Oxford,
1972); J. Vansina, La legende du pass¬ī: traditions orales du Burundi (Tervuren, 1972); B. A.
Ogot, History of the southern Luo: volume I (Nairobi, 1967); G. Muriuki, A history of the
Kikuyu 1500‚Ä“1900 (Nairobi, 1974); S. Feierman, The Shambaa kingdom (Madison, 1974);
I. N. Kimambo, A political history of the Pare (Nairobi, 1969); and O. J. M. Kalinga, A history
of the Ngonde kingdom (Berlin, 1985). Sir Apolo Kaggwa, The kings of Buganda (trans. M. S.
M. Kiwanuka, Nairobi, 1971), is a classic of early history-writing.
A. Kuper, Wives for cattle (London, 1982), is important for family structure. San rock-
painting is Ô¬Ānely analysed in D. Lewis-Williams and T. Dowson, Images of power (Johannes-
burg, 1989). For religious history, see T. O. Ranger and I. Kimambo (eds.), The historical study
of African religion (London, 1972); J. M. Schoffeleers (ed.), Guardians of the land (Salisbury
[Harare], 1979); J. M. Schoffeleers, River of blood (Madison, 1992) on the Mbona cult; and
I. Berger, Religion and resistance (Tervuren, 1981) on the Chwezi cult.
The outstanding book on the Dutch Cape Colony is R. Elphick and H. Giliomee
(eds.), The shaping of South African society, 1652‚Ä“1840 (2d edn, Cape Town, 1989). See also
R. Elphick, Kraal and castle: Khoikhoi and the founding of white South Africa (new edn, New
Haven, 1985); N. Worden, Slavery in Dutch South Africa (Cambridge, 1985); R. C.-H. Shell,
Children of bondage: a social history of the slave society at the Cape of Good Hope, 1652‚Ä“1838
(Johannesburg, 1998); and W. Dooling, Law and community in a slave society (Cape Town,
1992). P. Maylam, South Africa‚Ä™s racial past (Aldershot, 2001), is a lucid introduction. J. B.
Peires, The house of Phalo (Berkeley, 1981), is a history of the Xhosa. H. B. Thom (ed.), Journal
of Jan van Riebeeck (3 vols, Cape Town, 1952‚Ä“8), is often revealing.
The best general account of the Atlantic trade is P. D. Curtin, The rise and fall of the plan-
tation complex (Cambridge, 1990). Curtin‚Ä™s The Atlantic slave trade: a census (Madison,
1969) initiated modern study. His Ô¬Āndings are largely conÔ¬Ārmed by statistical analysis of
27,233 slaving voyages, published as D. Eltis, S. H. Behrendt, D. Richardson, and H. S.
Klein, The Atlantic slave trade: a database on CD-ROM (Cambridge, 1999). For guidance
on its use, see D. Ryden, ‚Ä˜Running the numbers‚Ä™, Slavery and Abolition, 22, 3 (2001), 141 ‚Ä“9.
Interpretations of the Ô¬Āndings are published in William and Mary Quarterly, 58, 1 (2001).
S. D. Behrendt, D. Eltis, and D. Richardson, ‚Ä˜The costs of coercion: African agency in
the pre-modern Atlantic world‚Ä™, Economic History Review, 54 (2001), 454‚Ä“76, summarises
related Ô¬Āndings on shipboard revolt. Earlier contributions include P. Manning, Slavery and
African life (Cambridge, 1990); R. L. Stein, The French slave trade in the eighteenth century
334 Further reading
(Madison, 1979): and J. Postma, The Dutch role in the Atlantic slave trade (Cambridge, 1990).
The outstanding account of slave experience is P. Edwards (ed.), Equiano‚Ä™s travels (London,
1967). See also P. D. Curtin (ed.), Africa remembered: narratives by West Africans from the
era of the slave trade (Madison, 1967). For abolition, see D. Eltis, Economic growth and the
ending of the transatlantic slave trade (New York, 1987).
Regional studies of the impact of the trade and its abolition include P. D. Curtin, Economic
change in precolonial Africa: Senegambia in the era of the slave trade (2 vols., Madison, 1975);
J. F. Searing, West African slavery and Atlantic commerce: the Senegal River Valley, 1700‚Ä“1860
(Cambridge, 1993); R. L. Roberts, Warriors, merchants, and slaves: the state and the economy
in the middle Niger valley, 1700‚Ä“1914 (Stanford, 1987); W. Hawthorne, Planting rice and
harvesting slaves: transformations along the Guinea-Bissau coast, 1400‚Ä“1900 (Portsmouth,
N. H., 2002); R. Law, The slave coast of West Africa 1550‚Ä“1750 (Oxford, 1991); P. Manning,
Slavery, colonialism and economic growth in Dahomey, 1640‚Ä“1960 (Cambridge, 1982); R. Law,
Ouidah: the social history of a West African slaving ‚Ä˜port‚Ä™, 1727‚Ä“1892 (Athens, Ohio, 2004);
K. Y. Daaku, Trade and politics on the Gold Coast 1600‚Ä“1720 (Oxford, 1970); D. Northrup,
Trade without rulers: pre-colonial economic development in south-eastern Nigeria (Oxford,
1978); R. W. Harms, River of wealth, river of sorrow (New Haven, 1981) on Bobangi traders;
and J. C. Miller‚Ä™s magniÔ¬Ācent Way of death: merchant capitalism and the Angolan slave trade
1730‚Ä“1830 (London, 1988).
I. Wilks, Asante in the nineteenth century (2d edn, Cambridge, 1989), is an outstanding
account of an African state. See also T. C. McCaskie, State and society in pre-colonial Asante
(Cambridge, 1995); G. Austin, Labour, land, and capital in Ghana: from slavery to free labor in
Asante, 1807‚Ä“1956 (Rochester, N. Y., 2004); and M. D. McLeod, The Asante (London, 1971).
R. A. Kea, Settlements, trade, and polities in the seventeenth-century Gold Coast (Baltimore,
1982), treats the period before Asante. R. Law, The Oyo Empire c. 1600‚Ä“c. 1836 (Oxford, 1977),
is another outstanding account, drawing on the early compendium of Yoruba traditions by
S. Johnson, The history of the Yorubas (reprinted, London, 1973). See also P. C. Lloyd, The
political development of Yoruba kingdoms (London, 1971); S. A. Akintoye, Revolution and
power politics in Yorubaland (London, 1971); and T. Falola, The political economy of a pre-
colonial African state; Ibadan, 1830‚Ä“1900 (Ile-Ife, 1984). For eastern Nigeria, see K. O. Dike,
Trade and politics in the Niger Delta (Oxford, 1956); A. J. H. Latham, Old Calabar 1600‚Ä“1891
(Oxford, 1973); and E. Isichei, A history of the Igbo people (London, 1976). For reading on
equatorial Africa, see the reading for Chapter 5. Religious and cultural responses to the slave
trade are analysed in R. M. Baum, Shrines of the slave trade: Diola religion and society in
precolonial Senegambia (New York, 1999), and J. M. Janzen, Lemba, 1650‚Ä“1930 (New York,
For Christianity in Kongo, see A. Hilton, The kingdom of Kongo (Oxford, 1985); J. K.
Thornton, The Kongolese Saint Anthony: Dona Beatriz Kimpa Vita and the Antonian Move-
ment, 1684‚Ä“1706 (Cambridge, 1998); and the vivid Diaire congolais of Luca da Caltanisetta
(Louvain, 1970). J. F. A. Ajayi, Christian missions in Nigeria 1841‚Ä“1891 (London, 1965), is a
classic, as is J. D. Y. Peel, Religious encounter and the making of the Yoruba (Bloomington,
On the nineteenth-century coastal elite, see J. Peterson, Province of freedom: a history
of Sierra Leone, 1787‚Ä“1870 (London, 1969); T. W. Shick, Behold the promised land: a his-
tory of Afro-American settler society in nineteenth-century Liberia (Baltimore, 1977); J. H.
Kopytoff, A preface to modern Nigeria (Madison, 1965); and R. W. July, The origins of mod-
ern African thought (London, 1968). Their most interesting works are perhaps D. Boilat,
Esquisses s¬īn¬īgalaises (reprinted, Paris, 1984); J. A. Horton, West African countries and peoples
(reprinted, Edinburgh, 1969); and E. W. Blyden, Christianity, Islam and the Negro race
(London, 1887). For trade, see M. Lynn, Commerce and economic change in West Africa
(Cambridge, 1997). K. Mann, Marrying well (Cambridge, 1985), describes elite social life,
while J. B. Webster, The African churches among the Yoruba (Oxford, 1964), and E. A.
Ayandele, Holy Johnson (London, 1970), discuss religious conÔ¬‚ict.
A. Raymond, Artisans et commer¬łants au Caire au XVIIIe sie`le (2 vols., Damascus, 1973‚Ä“4),
and L. Valensi, On the eve of colonialism: North Africa before the French conquest (London,
1977) and Tunisian peasants in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (London, 1985), are all
fundamental. L. Kuhnke, Lives at risk: public health in nineteenth-century Egypt (Berkeley,
c. 1990), and N. E. Gallagher, Medicine and power in Tunisia, 1780‚Ä“1900 (Cambridge, 1983),
deal with disease and demography. M. W. Daly (ed.), The Cambridge history of Egypt: volume
II (Cambridge, 1998), covers the period since 1517. The standard modern biography is A. L.
al-Sayyid Marsot, Egypt in the reign of Muhammad Ali (Cambridge, 1984). E. Lane, Manners
and customs of the modern Egyptians (reprinted, London, 1966), is absorbing. Two studies
using the recently opened Egyptian archives are K. M. Cuno, The Pasha‚Ä™s peasants: land,
society, and economy in Lower Egypt, 1740‚Ä“1858 (Cambridge, 1992), and K. Fahmy, All the
Pasha‚Ä™s men: Mehmed Ali, his army and the making of modern Egypt (Cambridge, 1997).
A. Sch¬® lch, Egypt for the Egyptians! (London, 1981), and J. R. I. Cole, Colonialism and revo-
lution in the Middle East: social and cultural origins of Egypt‚Ä™s Urabi movement (Princeton,
1993), cover later events. C. C. Adams, Islam and modernism in Egypt (London, 1933), treats
the SalaÔ¬Āyya and E. E. Evans-Pritchard, The Sanusi of Cyrenaica (Oxford, 1949), discusses
the chief Libyan brotherhood. For Tunisia, see K. J. Perkins, A history of modern Tunisia
(Cambridge, 2004), and L. C. Brown, The Tunisia of Ahmed Bey (Princeton, 1974). J. Ruedy,
Modern Algeria (London, 1991), is an excellent introduction. R. Danziger, Abd al-Qadir and
the Algerians (New York, 1977), is more detailed. C. R. Pennell, Morocco since 1830 (Lon-
don, 2000), is an outstanding survey. P. M. Holt and M. W. Daly, A history of the Sudan
(4th edn, London, 1988), is a good outline, to be supplemented by R. S. O‚Ä™Fahey and J. L.
Spaulding, Kingdoms of the Sudan (London, 1974); R. Gray, A history of the southern Sudan
1839‚Ä“1889 (London, 1961); and P. M. Holt, The Mahdist state in the Sudan (2d edn, Oxford,
1977). For lively personal experience of the Mahdiyya, see The memoirs of Babikr Bedri:
volume I (London, 1969). Bahru Zewde, A history of modern Ethiopia 1855‚Ä“1974 (London,
1991), is a helpful introduction. For greater detail, see S. Rubenson, King of Kings Tewodros of
Ethiopia (Addis Ababa, 1966); Zewde Gabre-Sellassie, Yohannes IV of Ethiopia (Oxford, 1975);
R. H. K. Darkwah, Shewa, Menilek and the Ethiopian Empire (London, 1975); and H. G.
Marcus, The life and times of Menelik II (Oxford, 1975).
An excellent introduction to the Sokoto jihad is M. Hiskett, The sword of truth: the life and
times of the Shehu Usuman dan Fodio (New York, 1973). Much unpublished or inaccessible
work is summarised by M. Last in volume II of Ajayi and Crowder‚Ä™s History of West Africa.
Important local studies include Y. B. Usman, The transformation of Katsina (Zaria, 1981),
and three books by M. G. Smith: Government in Zazzau (London, 1960), The affairs of Daura
(Berkeley, 1978), and Government in Kano 1350‚Ä“1950 (Boulder, 1997). M. Last, The Sokoto
Caliphate (London, 1967), and J. P. Smaldone, Warfare in the Sokoto Caliphate (London,
1977), are fundamental. P. E. Lovejoy, Transformations in slavery (Cambridge, 1983), ch. 9,
describes the rural economy. For intellectual life, see T. Hodgkin (ed.), Nigerian perspectives
(2d edn, London, 1975); M. Hiskett, A history of Hausa Islamic verse (London, 1975); and
336 Further reading
B. B. Mack and J. Boyd, One woman‚Ä™s jihad: Nana Asma‚Ä™u, scholar and scribe (Bloomington,
2000). A. H. BňÜ and J. Daget, L‚Ä™empire peul du Macina (reprinted, Abidjan, 1984), uses
traditions vividly. For the Tukulor, see D. Robinson, The holy war of Umar Tal (Oxford,
1985). Two magniÔ¬Ācent travelogues are H. Barth, Travels and discoveries in North and Central
Africa (reprinted, 3 vols., London, 1965), and G. Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan (trans. A. G.
B. Fisher and H. J. Fisher, 4 vols., London, 1971 ‚Ä“87).
T. R. H. Davenport, South Africa: a modern history (5th edn, London, 2000), is an excellent
textbook. A shorter outline is N. Worden, The making of modern South Africa (Oxford, 1994).
The standard account of early nineteenth-century conÔ¬‚ict among the Nguni is J. D. Omer-
Cooper, The Zulu aftermath (London, 1966), which should be compared with C. Hamilton
(ed.), The Mfecane aftermath (Johannesburg, 1995). Studies of resulting kingdoms include
P. Bonner, Kings, commoners and concessionaires (Cambridge, 1983), on the Swazi; J. Laband,
The rise and fall of the Zulu nation (London, 1997); E. A. Eldredge, A South African kingdom
(Cambridge, 1993), on the Sotho; and P. Delius, The land belongs to us (London, 1984), on
the Pedi. P. Scully, Liberating the family? (Portsmouth, N. H., 1997), and N. Worden and
C. Crais (eds.), Breaking the chains (Johannesburg, 1994), deal with slave emancipation. E.
Elbourne, Blood ground: colonialism, missions, and the contest for Christianity in the Cape
Colony and Britain, 1799‚Ä“1853 (Montreal, 2002), concentrates on the Eastern Cape. For
the Great Trek, see H. Giliomee, The Afrikaners (Cape Town, 2003). T. Keegan, Colonial
South Africa and the origins of the racial order (London, 1996), is an outstanding account
to the mid-nineteenth century. For mission work, see R. Elphick and R. Davenport (eds.),
Christianity in South Africa (Oxford, 1997); P. S. Landau, The realm of the word (Portsmouth,
N. H., 1995), on Khama‚Ä™s kingdom; M. McKittrick, To dwell secure: generation, Christianity,
and colonialism in Ovamboland (Portsmouth, N. H., 2002); and K. J. McCracken, Politics
and Christianity in Malawi 1875‚Ä“1940 (Cambridge, 1977). J. B. Peires, The dead will arise
(Johannesburg, 1989), is a vivid account of the cattle-killing. C. Bundy, The rise and fall of
the South African peasantry (London, 1979), and N. Etherington, Preachers, peasants, and
politics in southeast Africa (London, 1978), describe African commercial farming. R. V. Turrell,
Capital and labour on the Kimberley diamond Ô¬Āelds (Cambridge, 1987), is comprehensive.
For political consequences, see F. A. van Jaarsveld, The awakening of Afrikaner nationalism
1868‚Ä“1881 (Cape Town, 1961); T. R. H. Davenport, The Afrikaner Bond (Cape Town, 1966); and
J. V. Bickford-Smith, Ethnic pride and racial prejudice in Victorian Cape Town (Cambridge,
For the growth of trade in East Africa, see E. A. Alpers, Ivory and slaves in East Central
Africa (London, 1975); A. Sheriff, Slaves, spices and ivory in Zanzibar (London, 1987); and R.
Gray and D. Birmingham (eds.), Pre-colonial African trade (London, 1970). Coastal society
is analysed in F. Cooper, Plantation slavery on the east coast of Africa (New Haven, 1977), and
J. Glassman, Feasts and riot: revelry, rebellion, and popular consciousness on the Swahili coast,
1856‚Ä“1888 (Portsmouth, N. H., 1995). For the impact of trade, see the monographs listed for
Chapter 6 and also C. H. Ambler, Kenyan communities in the age of imperialism (New Haven,
1988); J. L Giblin, The politics of environmental control in northeastern Tanzania (Philadelphia,
1992); and J. Koponen, People and production in late precolonial Tanzania (Jyv¬® skyl¬® , 1988).
For personal experience, see M. Wright (ed.), Strategies of slaves and women (New York,
1993), and the memoirs of Tippu Tip translated by W. H. Whiteley but entitled Maisha ya
Hamed bin Muhammed (Dar es Salaam, 1958‚Ä“9). On Buganda, see A. Oded, Islam in Uganda
New York, 1974); D. A. Low, Religion and society in Buganda 1875‚Ä“1900 (Kampala, n. d.); and
R. J. Reid, Political power in pre-colonial Buganda (Oxford, 2002). For Rwanda and Burundi,
see J. Vansina, Antecedents to modern Rwanda (Oxford, 2004), and E. Mworoha, Peuples et
rois de l‚Ä™Afrique des lacs (Dakar, 1977).
The best single account of partition is still R. Robinson and J. Gallagher, Africa and the
Victorians (2d edn, London, 1981). For revisions, see A. S. Kanya-Forstner, The conquest of
the Western Sudan (Cambridge, 1969); P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins, British imperialism:
innovation and expansion (London, 1993); and H. L. Wesseling, Divide and rule: the partition
of Africa, 1880‚Ä“1914 (Westport, 1996). For South Africa, see A. N. Porter, The origins of the
South African War (Manchester, 1980). D. Headrick, The tools of empire (New York, 1981),
is important for technology. T. Pakenham, The scramble for Africa (London, 1991), and The
Boer War (London, 1979), is immensely readable.
B. Vandervort, Wars of imperial conquest in Africa, 1830‚Ä“1914 (London, 1998), is a useful
introduction. For case studies of resistance and response, see R. I. Rotberg and A. Mazrui
(eds.), Protest and power in black Africa (New York, 1970); M Crowder (ed.), West African
resistance (London, 1971); O. Ikime, The fall of Nigeria (London, 1977); T. S. Weiskel, French
colonial rule and the Baule peoples (Oxford, 1980); I. H. Zulfo, Karari: the Sudanese account of
the Battle of Omdurman (trans. P. Clark, London, 1980); G. L. Caplan, The elites of Barotseland
(London, 1970); J. A. Rowe, Lugard at Kampala (Kampala, 1969); and Y. Person‚Ä™s vast but
fascinating Samori (3 vols., Dakar, 1968‚Ä“75). The classic study of rebellion is T. O. Ranger,
Revolt in Southern Rhodesia (2d edn, London, 1979). See also G. Shepperson and T. Price,
Independent African: John Chilembwe and the Nyasaland native rising (Edinburgh, 1958);
M. Saul and P. Royer, West African challenge to empire: culture and history in the Volta-
Bani anticolonial war (Athens, Ohio, 2001); and R. Nzabakomada-Yakoma, L‚Ä™Afrique central
insurg¬īe: la guerre du Kongo-Wara (1928‚Ä“1930) (Paris, 1986).
Colonial rule is perhaps best approached through W. B. Cohen, Rulers of empire: the
French colonial service in Africa (Stanford, 1971). R. Robinson‚Ä™s contribution to R. Owen
and B. Sutcliffe (eds.), Studies in the theory of imperialism (London, 1978), is an important
general statement, as is chapter 4 of B. Berman and J. Lonsdale, Unhappy Valley (London,
1992). For Lugard and Indirect Rule, see his The dual mandate in British tropical Africa (3rd
edn, Edinburgh, 1926); M. Perham, Lugard (2 vols., London, 1956‚Ä“60); and the critical I. F.
Nicolson, The administration of Nigeria (Oxford, 1969). Case studies include D. A. Low and
R. C. Pratt, Buganda and British overrule (reprinted, Nairobi, 1970); B. Berman, Control and
crisis in colonial Kenya (London, 1990); W. Tordoff, Ashanti under the Prempehs (London,
1965); J. A. Atanda, The New Oyo Empire (London, 1973); A. E. AÔ¬Āgbo, The warrant chiefs
(London, 1972); R. Anstey, King Leopold‚Ä™s Congo (London, 1962) and King Leopold‚Ä™s legacy
(London, 1966); and C. J. Gray, Colonial rule and crisis in equatorial Africa: southern Gabon,
ca. 1850‚Ä“1940 (Rochester, N. Y., 2002). For customary law, see M. Chanock, Law, custom and
social order (Cambridge, 1985).
For the abolition of slavery, see S. Miers and R. Roberts (eds.), The end of slavery in Africa
(Madison, 1988); P. E. Lovejoy and J. S. Hogendorn, Slow death for slavery (Cambridge,
1993) on Northern Nigeria; and M. A. Klein, Slavery and colonial rule in French West Africa
The creation of colonial economies is analysed in R. L. Tignor, Modernisation and British
colonial rule in Egypt (Princeton, 1966); J. Marseille, Empire colonial et capitalisme fran¬łais
(Paris, 1984); J. Ruedy, Modern Algeria (Bloomington, 1992); A. Phillips, The enigma of
colonialism: British policy in West Africa (London, 1989); P. Hill, Migrant cocoa-farmers of
southern Ghana (Cambridge, 1963); S. S. Berry, Cocoa, custom, and socio-economic change in
rural Western Nigeria (Oxford, 1975); C. Coquery-Vidrovitch, Le Congo au temps des grands
compagnies concessionnaires (Paris, 1972); G. Clarence-Smith, The third Portuguese empire
(Manchester, 1985); R. Palmer and N. Parsons (eds.), The roots of rural poverty in Central
338 Further reading
and Southern Africa (London, 1977); G. Kitching, Class and economic change in Kenya (New
Haven, 1980); and P. Mosley, The settler economies (Cambridge, 1983). L. White, Magomero:
portrait of an African village (Cambridge, 1987), is unique. J. Conrad, Heart of darkness
(London, 1899), is essential.
J. Iliffe, The African poor (Cambridge, 1987), contains references for early colonial famines.
Disease is discussed in G. W. Hartwig and K. D. Patterson (eds.), Disease in African history
(Durham, N. C., 1978); R. Headrick, Colonialism, health and illness in French Equatorial
Africa, 1885‚Ä“1935 (Atlanta, 1994); and M. Vaughan, Curing their ills (Cambridge, 1991). The
major study of sleeping sickness is J. Ford, The role of the trypanosomiases in African ecology
(Oxford, 1971). See also M. Lyons, The colonial disease (Cambridge, 1992), and J.-P. Bado,
M¬īdecine coloniale et grandes end¬īmies en Afrique 1900‚Ä“1960 (Paris, 1996). The key work on
demography is B. Fetter (ed.), Demography from scanty evidence (Boulder, 1990). S. D. Doyle,
Crisis and decline in Bunyoro (Oxford, 2006), is an important case study.
D. Brokensha, Social change at Larteh, Ghana (Oxford, 1966), and J. D. Y. Peel, Ijeshas and
Nigerians (Cambridge, 1983), are model studies of colonial change, as is J. Berque, French
North Africa (London, 1967), for a settler society. J. Kenyatta, Facing Mount Kenya (reprinted,
London, 1961), is a classic of African response.
For reading on economic issues, see the previous section and also P. Richards, Indigenous
agricultural revolution (London, 1985), and J. C. McCann, Green land, brown land, black
land: an environmental history of Africa, 1800‚Ä“1990 (Portsmouth, N. H., 1999). For towns, see
A. O‚Ä™Connor, The African city (London, 1983), and D. M. Anderson and R. Rathbone (eds.),
Africa‚Ä™s urban past (Oxford, 2000). Major articles on the depression appeared in African
Economic History, 4 (1977). D. K. Fieldhouse, Black Africa 1945‚Ä“1980 (London, 1986), and
P. Kilby, Industrialization in an open economy: Nigeria 1945‚Ä“1966 (Cambridge, 1969), discuss
P. Foster, Education and social change in Ghana (London, 1965), is the best introduction,
supplemented by K. J. King, Pan-Africanism and education (Oxford, 1971). For literacy, see
especially D. K. Peterson, Creative writing (Portsmouth, N. H., 2004). E. Obiechina, An
African popular literature (Cambridge, 1973), analyses Onitsha pamphlets.
Books on mission work are listed for Chapters 7 and 8. See also R. Oliver, The missionary
factor in East Africa (2d edn, London, 1965); J. V. Taylor, The growth of the church in Buganda
(London, 1958); I. Linden, Catholics, peasants, and Chewa resistance in Nyasaland (London,
1974); G. M. Haliburton, The prophet Harris (London, 1971); and M. L. Martin, Kimbangu
(Oxford, 1975). Of the vast literature on independent churches, see D. B. Barrett, Schism
and renewal in Africa (Nairobi, 1968); B. G. M. Sundkler, Bantu prophets in South Africa
(2d edn, London, 1961) and Zulu Zion (London, 1976); K. E. Fields, Revival and rebellion
in colonial Central Africa (Princeton, 1985), on Watchtower; F. B. Welbourn, East African
rebels (London, 1961); and J. D. Y. Peel, Aladura (London, 1968). For Islam, see T. G. O.
Gbadamosi, The growth of Islam among the Yoruba (London, 1978); J. N. Paden, Religion
and political culture in Kano (Berkeley, 1973); D. B. Cruise O‚Ä™Brien, The Mourides of Senegal
(Oxford, 1971); and A. H. Nimtz, Islam and politics in East Africa (Minneapolis, 1980). J. W.
Fernandez, Bwiti (Princeton, 1982), is a masterpiece.
M. W. Daly (ed.), The Cambridge history of Egypt: volume II (Cambridge, 1998), has
chapters on early nationalism. R. le Tourneau, Evolution politique de l‚Ä™Afrique du Nord
musulmane 1920‚Ä“1961 (Paris, 1962), is still a valuable outline. Bahru Zewde, Pioneers of
change in Ethiopia: the reformist intellectuals of the early twentieth century (Oxford, 2002),
contains much novel material. For ethnicity, see L. Vail (ed.), The creation of tribalism in
southern Africa (London, 1989), and B. Berman, D. Eyoh, and W. Kymlicka (eds.), Ethnicity
and democracy in Africa (Oxford, 2004). Among the many books on early modern politics
are G. W. Johnson, The emergence of black politics in Senegal (Stanford, 1971); J. S. Coleman,
Nigeria: background to nationalism (Berkeley, 1958); T. O. Ranger (ed.), The African voice in
Southern Rhodesia (London, 1970); R. I. Rotberg, The rise of nationalism in Central Africa
(Cambridge, Mass., 1965); J. Iliffe, A modern history of Tanganyika (Cambridge, 1979); D. A.
Low (ed.), The mind of Buganda (London, 1971); and D. E. Apter, The political kingdom in
Uganda (2d edn, Princeton, 1967). For decolonisation, see the reading for Chapter 11 .
Relations of generation and gender are treated in M. Wilson, For men and elders (London,
1977), on Tanzania; C. Meillassoux, Anthropologie ¬īconomique des Gouro de CňÜte d‚Ä™Ivoire
(3rd edn, Paris, 1974); S. Botman, Engendering citizenship in Egypt (New York, 1999);
J. Allman, S. Geiger, and N. Musisi (eds.), Women in African colonial histories (Bloomington,
2002); J. Allman and V. Tashjian, ‚Ä˜I will not eat stone‚Ä™: a women‚Ä™s history of colonial Asante
(Portsmouth, N. H., 2000); C. C. Robertson, Sharing the same bowl: women and class in Accra
(Bloomington, 1984); C. Obbo, African women (London, 1980); L. White, The comforts of
home: prostitution in colonial Nairobi (Chicago, 1990); and H. L. Moore and M. Vaughan,
Cutting down trees: gender, nutrition, and agricultural change in the Northern Province of
Zambia 1890‚Ä“1990 (London, 1994).
Works on famine, disease, and demography are listed for Chapters 9 and 11 .
Surveys of the period include F. Cooper, Africa since 1940: the past of the present (Cambridge,