. 7
( 8)


The scholars, forming an eminent class, may be compared to the blood, the most
valuable humour of the body, as the heart is the source of the animal soul which is
immaterial in essence, so thin and fine, and unable to flow, it is carried by blood
vessels to the farthest ends of the body, to all organs and the arms and legs.
Without doubt, as the body finds life in blood and benefits from it, scholars who

Celebi (1835“8).
excel in knowledge of divine laws and belief in God receive the holy science (the
soul) directly from Allah or from his mediator, and communicate it to the
uneducated public (the arms and legs). Thus the body is nourished by the soul,
and the people learn from the scholars. The soul provides for the strength and
perseverance of the body; science determines the vigour and endurance of the
society . . . Soldiers represent phlegm, and tradesmen are like yellow bile. The
people are similar to black bile; their nature is that of the earth, and vulgar . . . The
four humours increase and decrease to influence one another to uphold the health
of the body. In the same manner, when the four classes of the society, civilized by
creation, receive sustenance from each other, the order of society and the health of
the state are set. The four humours should be in equilibrium in order to give a
healthy disposition to the body. Should one of the humours increase or change in
substance, it will be necessary to remedy it by decreasing or suppressing this
The populace corresponds to black bile. It has been established by medicine and
anatomy that during the digestion of a meal, when food is introduced into the
stomach, the spleen secretes black bile, so that it is not left empty and no harm is
done. If one compares the stomach to the imperial treasury, when the coffer is
empty the poor people should be ready to pay and supply it. However, if the
people are oppressed, and have no work and income, they cannot afford to do so.
For this reason, the Sultans of the past paid great attention to protecting the people
from the merciless, treating them with justice and taking care of them . . . Phlegm
(warriors) is necessary and of service, yet its excess and change of character is
detrimental, showing that the order of society depends on the equilibrium of these
classes . . . The number of cavalry and the janissaries should be kept around twenty
to thirty thousand, and the other orders allowed to increase. The increase in
the total number of warriors will not constitute a burden, and can be relieved
by reducing their salaries in accordance with ancient law, and by acceptable
precautions . . .
In conclusion: the solution to the problems of deficiency in the treasury, the size
of the army and expenditure, and the weakness of the people (taking into account
that nothing more can be levied from the them), is for the Sultan “ may God
protect him “ as the refuge for the people to provide by any means available, a full
years™ revenue to repay the debt of the treasury, and entrust one of his dependable
subjects to repay the loans . . . Afterwards, the burden of a large army can be dealt
with by reductions and other suitable measures . . . Experienced pious persons who
shun sin should be appointed to state offices, the foundation of the treasury. The
cure for the weakness of the people is to reduce the taxes, to refrain from extracting
from state services, and to place just persons with experience in positions to defy
the merciless, so that the people can recover in a couple of years and the Ottoman
state enjoy the prosperity it deserves.10

Cited in Gokyay (1982), 233“48.
Ottoman encounters with European science 205


When Justinus Colyer, the Dutch ambassador in Istanbul, presented the
Atlas major to Sultan Mehmed IV (reigned 1648“87) in 1668, the Ottomans
became acquainted with the most expensive and spectacular atlas of
seventeenth-century Europe. This eleven-volume atlas was first published
in Latin between the years 1662“72 by the Dutch cartographer and printer
Joan Blaeu (1596“1673).
In 1675, about seven years after the atlas was presented to the Sultan,
Ebubekir b. Behram ud-Dimashqi (d. 1691), a medrese scholar in the
¨ ¨¨
retinue of Koprulu Fazil Ahmed Pasha (Grand Vizier from 1661 to 1676),
was charged with supervising the translation of this voluminous work of
3,000 pages and 600 maps.
Born in Damascus, Ebubekir came to Istanbul in 1661 and took part in
the military campaign against the emperor (1663“4). Returning to
Istanbul, he taught in a medrese for over twenty years. He was knowledge-
able in geography, astronomy, mathematics and history. Besides his work
on the Atlas major, he added a supplement to Katib Celebi™s Cihannuma,
compiled the Risale fi™l-cografya (Treatise on Geography) in Arabic and an
essay in Turkish dealing with the history and the administrative and
military organization of the Ottoman state.
The translation of the Atlas major from Latin into Turkish took ten
years. A translator or a team of translators and cartographers probably
assisted Ebubekir Effendi. The teamwork resulted in a nine-volume
abridged version popularly known as Tercume-i Atlas major (The
Translation of Atlas major). The meaning of the full title Nusret el-Islam
ve™l-surur f¯ tahrˆri Atlas major (The Joy of the Muslims for the Success of
ˆ± ±
the Translation of Atlas major) captures not only the pleasure and the
honour of the translators in finishing the translation but also the impor-
tance of the Atlas major™s being introduced to the Islamic world.
Geographical information on Asia Minor and the Middle East based on
Islamic geographical works was added to the text.


The Ottomans showed great interest in European astronomical tables in
the seventeenth century. In the early 1660s they procured the tables
calculated by Nathalis Durret (1590“1650), a cosmographer at the French
court. Dedicated to Cardinal Richelieu, these tables were first published in
1635 and a number of editions appeared later. Tezkireci Kose Ibrahim
Effendi, an Ottoman official working in the army and interested in
astronomy, translated Durret™s astronomical tables into Arabic. After
comparing Durret™s tables with those prepared by Ibn Yunus in 1004 for
the longitude of Cairo, he found out that they were Durret™s source. He
finished the translation in 1663 in Belgrade, the seat of the Ottoman army
during the campaign.
Later on, he compiled a Turkish version and named it Secencel al-aflak fi
ˆ ˆ
gayet al-idrak (Mirror of the Heavens and the Summit of Perception). The
very few copies in the libraries show that Ottoman astronomers did not
favour Durret™s tables. Although Cezmi Effendi (d. 1692), the judge of
Belgrade, added supplementary material to the tables, Ottoman timekeep-
ers and astrologers continued to use astronomical tables based on those of
Ulugh Beg until the mid-eighteenth century, when Cassini™s astronomical
tables were translated into Turkish by Halifezade Cinarˆ Ismail Effendi,
ˆ ±
also remembered for the sundials he constructed while acting as the time-
keeper (muwaqqit) of the Laleli Mosque in Istanbul and for his translation
of the astronomical tables of Alexis Clairaut (1713“65).


The image of the seventeenth-century Ottoman medical community is
rather complex, considering the diversity of practitioners. The authority of
the Islamic legacy is well exemplified by Seyyid Muhammed et-Tabib
known as Emir Celebi (d. 1638), while Salih b. Nasrullah b. Sallum (d. 1669)
was influential in the introduction of iatrochemical therapies, popular in
seventeenth-century Europe. Both of them held the post of chief physician
to the Sultan.
Born in Thrace, Emir Celebi studied medicine in Cairo and was the chief
physician of the Qalawun hospital for several years. Brought to Istanbul by
the admiral of the Ottoman fleet during the Mediterranean campaign of
1622, he became renowned for the remarkable cures he performed in his
˜shop™ in Unkapani, a district of Istanbul near the Golden Horn. The thirty
copies of his Enmuzecu™t-tibb (The Reference Book for Medicine, 1624)
extant in libraries in Turkey witness that it was widely consulted until the
nineteenth century.
A large part of the book consists of information on diseases and materia
medica. It is considered to be the second most popular medical book
¨ ¨
among the Ottomans, after the Muntahab us-sifa of Haci Pasha, the
fifteenth-century physician previously mentioned. Emir Celebi advised
Ottoman encounters with European science 207
physicians to add their own therapeutical experiences when writing their
books and not to content themselves with repeating older accounts, to
learn anatomy and to dissect the dead bodies of soldiers or monkeys or pigs.
He compiled Neticetu™t-tibb (The Synopsis of Medicine), a shorter version
of Enmuzecu™t-tibb, as a guide to his assistant, who in his absence would
prescribe drugs to patients visiting his shop.
While the compilation and the copying of guides dealing with diseases
and remedies based on traditional knowledge and personal experience were
carried on, the growing popularity of iatrochemistry in seventeenth-
century Europe led some Ottoman physicians to become interested in the
Paracelsan way of treating diseases with mineral drugs. The fame of Basilica
chymica “ ten editions between 1609 and 1658 “ by Oswald Croll
(1580“1609), the greatest propagandist of the iatrochemical movement,
and the reputation of Daniel Sennert (1572“1611), the private physician of
the Prince of Saxony, reached Istanbul by the mid-seventeenth century.
Ottoman physicians, referring to European treatises or consulting their
European colleagues practising in Istanbul, wrote books on iatrochemistry,
calling it tibb-i cedˆd (new medicine). Interest in iatrochemistry continued
into the eighteenth century. Salih bin Nasrullah bin Sellum™s work Tibb
al-cedˆd al-kimyaˆ (The New Chemical Medicine) was not a direct trans-
lation from Paracelsus, but a compilation from Paracelsan works enriched
by Sellum™s own experiences and his views on the treatment of diseases.
The book explains the theories of tria prima and signatures, and gives a
number of Paracelsan prescriptions.
Ottoman physicians, particularly those at court, translated medical texts
dealing with diseases and their treatment into Arabic and Turkish. Salih b.
Nasrullah bin Sellum (d. 1670), the private physician to Sultan Mehmed
IV (reigned 1648“87) and the chief physician of the Fatih hospital
¨ ¨
(darussifa), in his work Gayet ul-beyan fi tedbir beden il-insan (Highest
Perfection in the Treatment of the Human Body, 1655) described diseases
unfamiliar to the Ottomans until this time: the chlorose, the skorbut and the
plica polonica. In the section on therapeutics, he mentioned Nicolas
Myrepsos and may have used his Dynameron (1280).
ˆ ˆ
In his book Hamse-i Hayati (Five Books of Hayati) dealing with diseases
and their treatments, the chief physician Hayatizade Mustafa Feyzi
´ ¨
(d. 1692), known as Moche ben Raphael Abranavel before his conversion
from Judaism to Islam, mentioned Daniel Sennert, Jean Fernel (1497“1558)
and the French physician de la Riviere. He described syphilis according
to the works of Girolamo Fracastoro (1483“1553) and other European
physicians. He talked about the researches of Nicolas Monardes
(1493“1588) on medicinal plants he imported from the New World,
described plica polonica and a fever frequently seen in Germany. His
information was taken from the Spanish physician Luis Mercado
(1520“1606) and Rodrigo Fonseca (1452“1530).
Ibn Sellum™s and Hayatizade™s books dealing with diseases and the new
European therapeutics point to the interest by Ottoman physicians in
practical knowledge, a tendency similar to the interest in European astro-
nomical tables on the part of Ottoman astronomers. Seventeenth-century
court physicans could have access to European medical knowledge by
various means, but European physicians practising in Ottoman cities and
Ottomans studying in European medical schools seem to have been the
principal conveyors.
Although seventeenth-century Ottoman sources refer to frenk
(European) physicians practising in various parts of the Empire, details
about their names, origin, education, practice and designation as well as the
cities in which they practised are often lacking. The information available
generally concerns those who worked in the Imperial Palace or in the
retinue of Ottoman high officials or foreign legations. One of these was
Israel Conegliano (Conian) (b. 1650, Padua). Conegliano had settled in
Istanbul in 1675 and became physician to a powerful man, Merzifonlu
Karamustafa Pasha (1634“83), who commanded the Ottoman army in the
Polish and Austrian campaigns and besieged Vienna in 1683. Conegliano
also acted as the physician of the Venetian legation in Istanbul. Tobia
Cohen (b. 1652, Metz) after studying medicine in Padua settled in
Istanbul and became the private physician of Mehmed Rami Pasha
(1654“1706), Grand Vizier and Minister of Foreign Affairs. An astute
politician and a tough negotiator, Rami Pasha was the Ottoman represen-
tative at the Treaty of Karlowitz, concluding the 1683“97 war between the
Ottomans and the Holy League (Austria, Poland, Venice, Russia). As for
Daniel Fonseca (b. 1668, Oporto, Portugal “ d. 1736, Izmir, Turkey), he
arrived in Istanbul in 1680 after having studied medicine in Paris. He first
became physician to the French embassy, served in Bucharest between
1710“14 and thereafter entered the retinue of Sultan Ahmed III (reigned
European physicians doubtlessly practised in cities other than Istanbul.
Sir George Wheler (1650“1724) mentioned in his Journey into Greece (1682)
that he met a certain Dr Pickering in 1675 during his visit to north-west
Anatolia and that they conversed on Tuttie (Tuitia), a herb growing on
Uludag (Mons Olympus). Unfortunately Wheler gave no other informa-
tion about him except that he was practising medicine in Bursa.
Ottoman encounters with European science 209
A well-known seventeenth-century example of the transfer of medical
knowledge via Ottomans studying abroad is Alexandre Mavrocordato
(1641“1709) who prepared a thesis on the circulation of the blood
(Pneumaticon instrumentum circulandi sanguinis) in Bologna in 1664.
Unfortunately, this work had little effect on Ottoman medicine because
it was not translated into Turkish, since Mavrocordato preferred to work
subsequently as translator at the Council of State.
The next reference to William Harvey™s account of the circulation of the
blood would be made in 1771 in the Turkish translation of Hermann
Boerhaave™s Aphorismi. The translation, titled Kitaat-i nekave fi terceme-i
kelimat-i Boerhaave (The Finest Pieces from the Translation of the
Aphorisms of Boerhaave), was made at the command of Sultan Mustafa
ˆ ¨
III by the court physican Suphizade Abdulaziz Effendi (d. 1782) and a team
knowledgeable in Latin, including the interpreter of the imperial embassy
in Istanbul. To overcome the difficulties encountered in the translation,
Gerard Van Swieten™s Commentaria in Hermanni Boerhaave aphorismos
(1742“72) were consulted. The Turkish translation of the Aphorismi was
not published and only three copies exist in libraries in Istanbul.
Although medical knowledge from Europe was introduced and applied
to some extent in the seventeenth century, commentaries on Ibn Sina™s
(Avicenna™s) Kanun fi™t-tibb (Canon of Medicine) and other medieval
Islamic medical works were still the reference texts for Ottoman physicians.


As far as the introduction of anatomical knowledge is concerned, a striking
example combining traditional Islamic with sixteenth-century European
knowledge is the seventeenth-century Turkish text entitled Risale-i tesrih-i
ebdan (Treatise on the Anatomy of the Human Body, 1632) by Shemseddin
Itaqi (born in Shirvan, c. 1570). After studying various sciences in Iran for
twenty years, Itaqi had to flee his country following the upheavals after
Shah Tahmasp™s death in 1576. He arrived in Istanbul during the reign of
Murad IV (1623“32) and was presented to the Grand Vizier Topal Recep
Pasha (d. 1632) who favoured him. The vizier™s entourage asked him to
compile a Turkish book of anatomy, emphasizing that such a book would
be very useful. This statement shows that his book was the first Turkish
treatise ever written on anatomy. For Ottoman physicians, the most
esteemed texts on anatomy were the first section of Ibn Sina™s medical
encyclopedia Kanun fi™t-tibb and its commentary by Ibn Nefis. Both texts
were in Arabic.
Itaqi™s book included schematic figures taken from the fourteenth-
century Persian physician Mansur ibn Muhammad ibn Ahmad™s Tesrih-i
Mansur (Anatomy of Mansur) and plates inspired by the Anatomia del
corpo humano of the Spanish anatomist Juan Valverde de Hamusco
(1520“88). It is highly possible that he consulted the sixteenth-century
medical books that were brought to Turkey by the above-mentioned
Jewish physicians. Among them were physicians trained in Padua, distin-
guished for its teaching of ˜modern™ anatomy.


Access to and reliance on Arabic and Persian scientific texts from medieval
Islam did not hinder Ottoman scholars from introducing information
from European sources throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centu-
ries. Most translations from European scientific texts seem to have been
made in the fields of medicine, geography and cartography and aimed to
make known new therapies and drugs, newly discovered countries and the
features of geographical areas previously unknown to the Ottomans. Katib
Celebi studied European works in order to have access to knowledge
unavailable in medieval Islamic geographies.
These initiatives in acquiring and translating European scientific texts
were not peculiar to Ottomans who were eager to introduce novelties from
Europe. A substantial number of European scholars were interested in
examining Islamic scientific texts from the mid-sixteenth century onwards.
As Sonja Brentjes writes:
Efforts were made since the middle of the sixteenth century to publish, translate
and exploit Arabic and Persian geographical manuscripts. At this time, a copy of
Taqwim al-buldan by Abu™l-Fida was brought to Western Europe by Guillaume
Postel. There it came first to be kept by the Palatine Library, Heidelberg. Other
copies were brought during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries to Italy,
Austria, France and Britain. In the late sixteenth century, an incomplete copy of
al-Idrisi™s [1099“1166] Geography arrived in Italy where it became part of the
Medicis™s library. Both texts were repeatedly accessed by West European and
Maronite scholars from the sixteenth until the late eighteenth centuries for the
utilization of their information for cartography, geographical dictionaries, histor-
iography and the revision of latitude and longitude values . . .
The geographical coordinates given by Nasir al-Din al-Tusi, Ulugh Beg and Ali
Qushji, as well as anonymous texts, were tapped by Jacob Golius, Adrien Reland,
Gilbert Gaulmyn, Antoine Galland, John Greaves and Thomas Hyde. Several
Ottoman encounters with European science 211
Arabic, Persian and Syriac historical works were translated “ at least in extracts “
during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and scrutinized by cartographers
for their geographical information . . .
Among the scholars who either printed the one or the other text in Arabic or in
Latin translation, completely, or produced manuscript translations we find during
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Bernardino Baldi, Wilhelm Schickard,
John Greaves, Thomas Hyde, Laurent d™Arvieux in cooperation with M. De la
´ ´
Roque and Melchisedech Thevenot, the Maronites Johannes Hesronita, Gabriel
Sionita and Abraham Ecchellensis . . . [Pierre] Gassendi can be taken as a token of
the immense attraction the Ottoman Empire exercised on the French scholarly
world during the seventeenth century. In 1629/30, he himself together with his
friend Francois Luillier started to study Arabic hoping to access texts Gassendi™s
mentor and friend Nicolas Fabri de Peiresc had acquired from Cairo, Aleppo,
Sayda and other Ottoman towns. Other friends, students or contemporaries of
Gassendi . . . either learned (some) Arabic, Persian or Turkish to study texts of
various genres, travelled to Muslim countries, or sought to acquire from there
manuscripts and other material deemed necessary for their own research.11
Their mutual interest in the scientific knowledge produced in each
other™s cultural area should have led Europeans and Ottomans to exchange
scientific and technical information as well as books on related issues. The
fact that the number of translations into Turkish was not extensive was
partly due to the adequacy of medieval Islamic works and their commen-
taries for the Ottoman scientific community. The knowledge these works
embodied could apparently meet the needs of scholars and the government
in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The translation of works of
European science gradually increased in the course of the eighteenth
century and reached a peak in the nineteenth century, when versions
from Latin and Italian were replaced by those from French.

Brentjes (2001), 123“5.

Translations of scientific literature in Russia from
the fifteenth to the seventeenth century1
S. S. Demidov

At the beginning of the fifteenth century, Russia had no place on the map
of Europe. At that period, the most important Russian states were: the
Moscow Dukedom (Moskovskoe Knyazhestvo) and the Novgorod Republic
(Gospodin Velikii Novgorod). Only in 1380, after the Battle of Kulikovo, did
Russian soil begin to be liberated from the Tatar yoke. During the reign of
Ivan III (1462“1505), the Russian state was established. The tsar™s ambitions
were revealed by the adoption of a new state emblem: the two-headed
Byzantine eagle. In this way the Grand Duke declared Russia to be the heir
to the Byzantine Empire, the centre of the Orthodox world. In the
sixteenth century, the monk Filotei developed the theory of Moscow as
being the third Rome (˜and a fourth there shall not be™).
From a cultural point of view, Russia in 1400 was an actively developing
and very distant province of the Byzantine Empire, whose power was
waning at that time. An Orthodox country, Russia was hostile to every
idea coming from the West, especially if the idea was connected to
Catholicism. This hostility increased after Rome™s attempts to extend its
influence to the East. It is in this context that we need to examine the
problem of translations of Western scientific literature in the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries.


After the Grand Duke of Kiev St Vladimir (reigned 978“1015) became a
Christian, Russia was introduced to the Christian world and drawn into
European culture. During St Vladimir™s era, a school was organized in

The main secondary sources on this topic are (in chronological order) Rainov (1940), Yushkevich
(1968), Kuzakov (1976), Kosheleva and Simonov (1981), Likhachev (1987“98), Kuzakov (1991),
Fonkich (1999), Simonov (2000).

Translations of scientific literature in Russia 213
Kiev, following the model of Byzantine schools. In the time of Yaroslav the
Wise (reigned 1019“54), many copies of manuscripts were made and
libraries established at princely courts, in monasteries and in churches.
At that time Russian literature was composed of translations or para-
phrases of Byzantine works or the works of Orthodox Balkan Slavs, though
original Russian works appeared very quickly, including the famous chro-
nological treatise by Kirik of Novgorod. Among these texts we cannot find
any dedicated to mathematics or to questions that we can consider as
scientific, although religious texts referred to some topics that may be
considered to belong to science.
The period of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries is a continuation of
the previous era. New copies and sometimes new translations of the most
popular works of the previous period can be found. These works include
the thirteenth-century text The Book of Secrets of Enoch (a translation of a
lost Greek original which was a revision of some old texts in the Semitic
language compiled in Palestine in the first or second century BC); the
works of an ecclesiastical scholar of the fourth century, Epiphany of
Cyprus, The Questions of Vasilii and the Answers of Gregorii and The
Lapidary, which contained the description of the wondrous properties of
twelve precious stones; The Christian Topography by Kosmas Indikoplov, a
sixth-century monk from Alexandria; Theology by I. Damaskin; The Six
Days (of creation) by Vasilii the Great; and the Chronicle by the ninth-
century Greek monk Georgii Amartol.
In these works the ideas of the medieval Eastern Orthodox world about
the construction of the cosmos, geography, animals and plants and meteor-
ological phenomena were represented (sometimes in fantastic forms). At
times it is possible to find information about the works of the ancient Greek
philosophers. For example, from the works of Amartol the Russian reader
could find the earliest information about the Democritean theory of atoms.
To these works can be added the fourth-century Commentary on Genesis
by John Chrysostom (the translation into Serbian was made on Mt Athos
in 1426); The Six Days by the fourth-century Syrian bishop Severian of
Gavala; and The Discussion of Panaghiostos with Azimyth (a translation into
Serbian from the Greek original). The Orthodox Panaghiostos and the
heretic Azimyth discussed questions concerning the world™s construction
in particular. The authors divided the stars into good and evil ones,
according to their astrological properties.
Astrological topics were popular in old Russia. It was possible to find
some information in Ioan Exarch™s The Six Days, which appeared in Russia
in the tenth century, and in the romance by Pseudo-Kallisphenos,
Alexandria, which was translated into Russian in the eleventh century. At
the end of the fifteenth century, this interest increased. Astrological infor-
mation could be found in The Mystery of Mysteries, which was translated
into Lithuanian Russian at the end of the fifteenth or the beginning
of the sixteenth century (the translation was made from Hebrew, while
the original eleventh-century text was in Arabic). Specialists connect
the appearance of this work in Russia with the ˜Jewish heresy™
At the beginning of the sixteenth century, Western astrology began to
penetrate into Russia. The doctor and astrologer of the Great Dukes Ivan
¨ ¨
III and Vasilii III, Nikolai Nemchin (born in Lubeck as Nikolaus Bulow),
made the translation “ or the paraphrase “ of the Almanach edited in
Germany in the first quarter of the sixteenth century by Schoffler. It was a
calendar with astrological predictions, horoscopes and medical advice
connected to heavenly phenomena.
The Orthodox Church was opposed to astrology and considered such
books ˜erroneous™ or ˜forbidden™. The fourteenth century was the begin-
ning of the compiling of the Indexes of such forbidden works. These
Indexes were continued until the seventeenth century.
However, from a cultural point of view, the sixteenth century was more
than a ˜continuation™ of the previous century. During this period it is
possible to trace the rise of intellectual activity. The number of manuscripts
from the sixteenth century that exist today is almost the same as the
number of manuscripts from all the preceding centuries. Theological
discussions became more active and numerous.
The changes that can be observed in the economic, political and social
life of Russia (the beginning of the formation of an all-Russian market, the
organization of a monetary system, the development of the state apparatus,
the evolution of the social structure and so on) demanded the moderniza-
tion of society and the rise of its educational level. We also see the gradual
rise of Russian interest in Western Europe, in its science and culture.
At the end of the sixteenth century there was a gradual rise in the number
of translations (from Latin, German and, to a lesser extent, Polish) of
Western books that contained information of a scientific nature. In the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the majority of the translators were
monks. In the seventeenth century, by contrast, they were natives of
Ukraine (mostly clergymen) or official translators from the Office of
Foreign Affairs. Already in the sixteenth century a book on cosmography
was translated by that Office. Following an order from the tsar himself,
various medical collections were also translated.
Translations of scientific literature in Russia 215
The works which were translated were usually not the most important
works in their fields. They normally represented the past intellectual
activity of the West, but in one way and another these works corresponded
to the essentially medieval consciousness of contemporary Russian readers.


The beginning of the seventeenth century was a turbulent era, terminated
by the ascent of the House of Romanov. The century ended with the first
reforms of Peter the Great, who transformed Russia into the Russian
Empire (1721).
Such a result was possible only after a century of intensive development.
During this century (especially its second half), an enormous increase in
the educational efforts of the government may be seen. Schools were
organized at different levels, including schools to prepare qualified person-
nel for the administration. As we can see from the recent research of Boris
L. Fonkich, in the second half of the century the level of these schools and
the number of their students increased immensely.
In 1667, two Greek scholars, Ioannikios and Sofronios Leichoudis,
established the first Russian superior institution, the Slavo-Hellenic-
Latin Academy. It should be emphasized that its name represents the two
axes of its orientation. The Slavonic and Greek stress the Orthodox
direction, while the Latin stresses the Western European direction.
Among the students of this Academy should be named the most important
figure in Russian intellectual history in the eighteenth century, Mikhail
Lomonosov (1711“65), who entered it in 1736, walking from a distant
fishing village on the coast of the White Sea. What would develop in the
eighteenth century is clear, but for this development conditions which had
been created in the previous century were indispensable.
The most important part of this enormous intellectual work was inten-
sive activity in the translation of books. Prior to this century, scientific and
technical information had been included in Orthodox literature only
incidentally and at times in fantastic forms (with imaginary animals
among real ones and so on), but now “ gradually “ this information
came to express the spirit of the European Renaissance.
In 1625, the first theoretical manuscript on geometry appeared in Russian.
Its author, Prince Albert Dolmatskii, was a Greek who had been born in
Patras, lived in England and afterwards came to Moscow and began his
career close to the tsar™s court. In the preface to his treatise he wrote that he
had utilized many sources for this work. The principal ones were John
Speidell™s Geometrical Extraction (1616) and Peter Ramus™s Geometriae libri
XXVII (1569). Dolmatskii™s treatise, we may assume, was included in the
curriculum for the education of the Great Duke Aleksei Mikhailovich (later
tsar and father of Peter the Great). The author expected, unfortunately in
vain, that his manuscript would be published. ˜The first edition on geometry™,
wrote A. P. Yushkevich in connection with this manuscript, ˜appeared in
Russia more than eighty years afterwards, but a manual of the same level was
published later, after the foundation of the Academy of Sciences.™
To understand the spirit of the seventeenth century and the aspirations
of the Russian government around the year 1600, it is extremely useful to
become acquainted with the ˜Rules of the Military, Artillery and Other
Affairs™, published in two volumes in 1777“81. These ˜Rules™ were compiled
in Vasilii Shuiskii™s reign in 1606 and that of Mikhail Feodorovich in 1620.
The text of the ˜Rules™ begins with the observation that the tsar Vasilii
Shuiskii ˜ordered this book in German and Latin translated into Russian™.
The principal source of the ˜Rules™ was a three-volume edition (Frankfurt,
1566“73) of the Kriegsbuch by Leonard Fronsperger. It was made by two
translators in the Office of Foreign Affairs, M. Yuriev and I. Fomin. This
work on the organization of military affairs, on arms and the art of artillery,
on the method of preparing gunpowder and on fortification, reveals the
scientific and technical level in Russia at the end of the sixteenth century. It
demands a good mathematical background and includes important scien-
tific knowledge on ballistics (the work of Niccolo Tartaglia), physics and
The military and practical needs of the country demanded geographical
information. That is why, in the middle of that century, the translators
in the Office of Foreign Affairs, B. Lykov and I. Dorn, translated
G. Mercator™s Atlas (1590“6) in 230 chapters. In 1670 the translation of an
unknown compilation from Mercator™s works of German origin also
appeared; the original contained seventy-six chapters and had been made
around 1611. It is also known that a book called ˜Cosmography™ was
translated in the seventeenth century from the Theatrum orbis terrarum
(1571) of Ortelius.
Everything seems to indicate that Patriarch Nikon (appointed head of
the Russian Church in 1652) wanted to extend his authority with the
preparation of translations not only of clerical but also of scientific
works. In the 1650s, translators from his circle, the monks Epiphanii
Slavenetskii, Arsenii and Isaiya, began to translate from Latin the famous
Atlas published in Amsterdam by Blaeu (1646“65). They translated the
first four volumes. In the second half of the seventeenth century Hendrick
Translations of scientific literature in Russia 217
Doncker™s De groote nieuwe vermeerderde zee-atlas (The Great New
Enlarged Maritime Atlas, 1688) was also translated, together with Zuca
Delind™s Descriptio orbis et omnium ejus rerum publicarum (Description of
the World and all its Commonwealths, 1668).
Also deserving to be mentioned is a book about animals by Ulisse
Aldrovandi (De quadrupedibus digitatis viviparis libri tres, 1637), and the
most important anatomical work from the Renaissance epoch, De humani
corporis fabrica (1543) by Andreas Vesalius, a translation made by Epiphanii
Slaventskii. Numerous medical books were also translated, including “ and
this is most interesting “ the works of ancient authors, such as Aristotle. In
this way did the spirit of the Renaissance appear in distant Moscow.
Only one aspect of the cultural life of that time has been discussed, but it
is sufficient to evaluate the unprecedented concentration of intellectual
resources in the seventeenth century, and the high level of intellectual life
around the year 1700. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, Russia
was mature enough for many changes in its intellectual and cultural life.
However, for a really radical transformation, for the adhesion of the
country to the process of development in Western Europe, a revolution in
the dominant mentality was necessary. Russia remained attached to its
medieval culture. This attachment was actively supported by the Russian
Orthodox Church, which considered Western European influence a risk
for Orthodoxy, of which Moscow, the ˜third Rome™, was the vigilant
guardian. To break down this tradition and to open the road to radical
reforms, the outstanding abilities of Peter the Great were necessary. This
story belongs to the eighteenth century. The first meetings of the Academy
of Sciences of Petersburg took place in August 1725 “ twenty-five years after
the end of the period examined here.

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